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Wood Mackenzie’s latest Energy Transition Outlook adds to a dour parade of recent climate reports.

The Paris Agreement goal of holding warming to well less than 2 degrees Celsius over pre-industrial levels is not just increasingly appearing to be out of reach. The energy transition as a whole is slowing down.
This was the stark warning from Wood Mackenzie’s Energy Transition Outlook, the energy consultancy’s annual assessment of global progress toward decarbonizing the economy. “Progress toward a low-carbon energy system is stumbling on multiple fronts, leaving the world dependent on fossil fuels for longer,” the outlook’s authors write.
Alongside the International Energy Agency’s Global Energy Outlook, which found faster than expected global electricity demand imperiling Paris goals, and the United Nations Environment Programme’s Emissions Gap Report, which warned that unless emissions were soon wrenched down “it will become impossible” to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, the report completes a grim picture. The question now is less “Can the world meet the Paris Agreement goals?” and more “How will we manage once we’ve missed them?”
Wood Mackenzie takes 2.5 degrees of warming as its “base case,” consistent with other estimates, including the IEA’s. The report’s authors have little optimism left about the prospect of reaching net zero emissions by 2050 and limiting warming to 1.5 degrees. Instead, they used to the report to “highlight the potential of a delayed transition,” in which warming rises to 3 degrees, said Jonathan Sultoon, Wood Mackenzie’s head of markets and transitions, on a call with reporters Monday.
“We’re in the middle of the 2020s, the decade that’s pivotal to accelerate the energy transition” Sultoon said, “and no major countries — and very few companies — are on track to meet their 2030 climate goals.”
To meet even the 2.5 degree warming scenario — one that many scientists warn could result in difficult to predict and possibly irreversible climate impacts — would still require that global emissions peak by 2027. Emissions, instead, are rising — by some 1.3% in 2023, according to the United Nations.
The likelihood of slipping from 2.5 degrees to 3 will be determined by politics, Wood Mackenzie’s analysts argue, whether it’s the war in Ukraine and unstable Middle East leading countries to reinvest in fossil fuels for energy security or protectionist policies that block imports of world-leading low-priced Chinese renewable technology.
“China’s the lower-cost producer in clean tech,” Sultoon said. “Either the rest of the world needs to rely on Chinese manufacturing to speed the transition,” or “the West will pay a higher cost — or, in fact, delay the transition. And it looks far more likely to be that latter situation than the former.”
Policymakers in the rest of the high-emitting world, especially the United States, are perfectly aware of China’s dominance of much of the low-carbon technology stack, ranging from solar panels to lithium refining. But they’re seeking to nurture their own industries, seeking both to secure energy supplies in case of global conflict and to protect native workers and industries.
The political or security logic of these movies might be clear enough, but the Wood Mackenzie analysts are skeptical of this approach, at least when it comes to advancing decarbonization. “These dual goals — of decarbonisation and reducing dependence on metals supply from China — are at odds,” they write. “It will take years, if not decades, to shift away from China because it controls up to 70% of global supply chains across several commodities. It is also the lowest-cost producer. The rest of the world may need to rely on Chinese manufacturing or be prepared to either pay a higher cost or delay the transition.”
And then there’s the growth in electricity demand, which the IEA also highlighted. While any scenario that brings down emissions globally to levels consistent with even 2.5 degrees of warming, let alone 1.5, will involve a high degree of electrification of processes currently reliant on the combustion of fossil fuels, new demand for electricity can have ambiguous effects on overall emissions depending on the ability of non-carbon-emitting generation to meet that demand.
“The quick expansion of electricity supply is often constrained by transmission infrastructure which takes time to develop,” the report says. This means new demand could be met by fossil fuels, that the energy transition could become more expensive than it would be under a lower demand scenario, or that some crucial amount of electrification just simply does not happen.
“What happens if geopolitical crises, expanded trade restrictions, or protectionist policies becomes the norm, rather than the exception on a long-term basis? And where you see slower cost declines for alternative energy?” asked David Brown, director of Wood Mackenzie’s energy transition practice. If things continue as they are, that's a question we’ll all have to answer.
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1. Marion County, Indiana — State legislators made a U-turn this week in Indiana.
2. Baldwin County, Alabama — Alabamians are fighting a solar project they say was dropped into their laps without adequate warning.
3. Orleans Parish, Louisiana — The Crescent City has closed its doors to data centers, at least until next year.
A conversation with Emily Pritzkow of Wisconsin Building Trades
This week’s conversation is with Emily Pritzkow, executive director for the Wisconsin Building Trades, which represents over 40,000 workers at 15 unions, including the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, the International Union of Operating Engineers, and the Wisconsin Pipe Trades Association. I wanted to speak with her about the kinds of jobs needed to build and maintain data centers and whether they have a big impact on how communities view a project. Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
So first of all, how do data centers actually drive employment for your members?
From an infrastructure perspective, these are massive hyperscale projects. They require extensive electrical infrastructure and really sophisticated cooling systems, work that will sustain our building trades workforce for years – and beyond, because as you probably see, these facilities often expand. Within the building trades, we see the most work on these projects. Our electricians and almost every other skilled trade you can think of, they’re on site not only building facilities but maintaining them after the fact.
We also view it through the lens of requiring our skilled trades to be there for ongoing maintenance, system upgrades, and emergency repairs.
What’s the access level for these jobs?
If you have a union signatory employer and you work for them, you will need to complete an apprenticeship to get the skills you need, or it can be through the union directly. It’s folks from all ranges of life, whether they’re just graduating from high school or, well, I was recently talking to an office manager who had a 50-year-old apprentice.
These apprenticeship programs are done at our training centers. They’re funded through contributions from our journey workers and from our signatory contractors. We have programs without taxpayer dollars and use our existing workforce to bring on the next generation.
Where’s the interest in these jobs at the moment? I’m trying to understand the extent to which potential employment benefits are welcomed by communities with data center development.
This is a hot topic right now. And it’s a complicated topic and an issue that’s evolving – technology is evolving. But what we do find is engagement from the trades is a huge benefit to these projects when they come to a community because we are the community. We have operated in Wisconsin for 130 years. Our partnership with our building trades unions is often viewed by local stakeholders as the first step of building trust, frankly; they know that when we’re on a project, it’s their neighbors getting good jobs and their kids being able to perhaps train in their own backyard. And local officials know our track record. We’re accountable to stakeholders.
We are a valuable player when we are engaged and involved in these sting decisions.
When do you get engaged and to what extent?
Everyone operates differently but we often get engaged pretty early on because, obviously, our workforce is necessary to build the project. They need the manpower, they need to talk to us early on about what pipeline we have for the work. We need to talk about build-out expectations and timelines and apprenticeship recruitment, so we’re involved early on. We’ve had notable partnerships, like Microsoft in southeast Wisconsin. They’re now the single largest taxpayer in Racine County. That project is now looking to expand.
When we are involved early on, it really shows what can happen. And there are incredible stories coming out of that job site every day about what that work has meant for our union members.
To what extent are some of these communities taking in the labor piece when it comes to data centers?
I think that’s a challenging question to answer because it varies on the individual person, on what their priority is as a member of a community. What they know, what they prioritize.
Across the board, again, we’re a known entity. We are not an external player; we live in these communities and often have training centers in them. They know the value that comes from our workers and the careers we provide.
I don’t think I’ve seen anyone who says that is a bad thing. But I do think there are other factors people are weighing when they’re considering these projects and they’re incredibly personal.
How do you reckon with the personal nature of this issue, given the employment of your members is also at stake? How do you grapple with that?
Well, look, we respect, over anything else, local decision-making. That’s how this should work.
We’re not here to push through something that is not embraced by communities. We are there to answer questions and good actors and provide information about our workforce, what it can mean. But these are decisions individual communities need to make together.
What sorts of communities are welcoming these projects, from your perspective?
That’s another challenging question because I think we only have a few to go off of here.
I would say more information earlier on the better. That’s true in any case, but especially with this. For us, when we go about our day-to-day activities, that is how our most successful projects work. Good communication. Time to think things through. It is very early days, so we have some great success stories we can point to but definitely more to come.
The number of data centers opposed in Republican-voting areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
It’s probably an exaggeration to say that there are more alligators than people in Colleton County, South Carolina, but it’s close. A rural swath of the Lowcountry that went for Trump by almost 20%, the “alligator alley” is nearly 10% coastal marshes and wetlands, and is home to one of the largest undeveloped watersheds in the nation. Only 38,600 people — about the population of New York’s Kew Gardens neighborhood — call the county home.
Colleton County could soon have a new landmark, though: South Carolina’s first gigawatt data center project, proposed by Eagle Rock Partners.
That’s if it overcomes mounting local opposition, however. Although the White House has drummed up data centers as the key to beating China in the race for AI dominance, Heatmap Pro data indicate that a backlash is growing from deep within President Donald Trump’s strongholds in rural America.
According to Heatmap Pro data, there are 129 embattled data centers located in Republican-voting areas. The vast majority of these counties are rural; just six occurred in counties with more than 1,000 people per square mile. That’s compared with 93 projects opposed in Democratic areas, which are much more evenly distributed across rural and more urban areas.
Most of this opposition is fairly recent. Six months ago, only 28 data centers proposed in low-density, Trump-friendly countries faced community opposition. In the past six months, that number has jumped by 95 projects. Heatmap’s data “shows there is a split, especially if you look at where data centers have been opposed over the past six months or so,” says Charlie Clynes, a data analyst with Heatmap Pro. “Most of the data centers facing new fights are in Republican places that are relatively sparsely populated, and so you’re seeing more conflict there than in Democratic areas, especially in Democratic areas that are sparsely populated.”
All in all, the number of data centers that have faced opposition in Republican areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
Our polling reflects the breakdown in the GOP: Rural Republicans exhibit greater resistance to hypothetical data center projects in their communities than urban Republicans: only 45% of GOP voters in rural areas support data centers being built nearby, compared with nearly 60% of urban Republicans.

Such a pattern recently played out in Livingston County, Michigan, a farming area that went 61% for President Donald Trump, and “is known for being friendly to businesses.” Like Colleton County, the Michigan county has low population density; last fall, hundreds of the residents of Howell Township attended public meetings to oppose Meta’s proposed 1,000-acre, $1 billion AI training data center in their community. Ultimately, the uprising was successful, and the developer withdrew the Livingston County project.
Across the five case studies I looked at today for The Fight — in addition to Colleton and Livingston Counties, Carson County, Texas; Tucker County, West Virginia; and Columbia County, Georgia, are three other red, rural examples of communities that opposed data centers, albeit without success — opposition tended to be rooted in concerns about water consumption, noise pollution, and environmental degradation. Returning to South Carolina for a moment: One of the two Colleton residents suing the county for its data center-friendly zoning ordinance wrote in a press release that he is doing so because “we cannot allow” a data center “to threaten our star-filled night skies, natural quiet, and enjoyment of landscapes with light, water, and noise pollution.” (In general, our polling has found that people who strongly oppose clean energy are also most likely to oppose data centers.)
Rural Republicans’ recent turn on data centers is significant. Of 222 data centers that have faced or are currently facing opposition, the majority — 55% —are located in red low-population-density areas. Developers take note: Contrary to their sleepy outside appearances, counties like South Carolina’s alligator alley clearly have teeth.