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Utilities in the Southeast, especially, may have to rethink.

Utilities all over the country have proposed to build a slew of new natural gas-fired power plants in recent months, citing an anticipated surge in electricity demand from data centers, manufacturing, and electric vehicles. But on Thursday, the Environmental Protection Agency finalized new emissions limits on power plants that throw many of those plans into question.
The rules require that newly built natural gas plants that are designed to help meet the grid’s daily, minimum needs, will have to slash their carbon emissions by 90% by 2032, an amount that can only be achieved with the use of carbon capture equipment. But carbon capture will be cost-prohibitive in many cases — especially in the Southeast, where much of that expected demand growth is concentrated, but which lacks the geology necessary to store captured carbon underground.
“With this rule, it’s kind of back to square one,” Tyler Norris, an electric power systems researcher, told me. “I think most likely, you're gonna see the regulators really push back and call upon them to redo all their modeling.”
This is the first federal mandate to curb carbon from the electricity sector since President Obama’s 2015 Clean Power Plan, which never went into effect. Despite growing investment in renewable energy, power generation is responsible for about a quarter of the country’s greenhouse gas emissions.
The Biden administration is guaranteed to face legal challenges from Republican attorneys general and electric utilities. The Edison Electric Institute, the largest trade group for electric utilities, asserted that carbon capture “is not yet ready for full-scale, economy-wide deployment” and expressed worry over the timelines for permitting and financing. Duke Energy, one of the Southeast’s largest utilities, issued a statement after the rule came out saying that it “presents significant challenges to customer reliability and affordability – as well as limits the potential of our ability to be a global leader in chips, artificial intelligence and advanced manufacturing,” echoing concerns from the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association. The EPA, however, maintains that recent federal investments in carbon capture — including an $85 tax credit for every ton of CO2 captured and stored — render it both “technically feasible and cost-reasonable.”
As part of the same announcement on Thursday, the Environmental Protection Agency finalized several additional regulations to rein in air and water pollution from coal-fired power plants, including mercury and toxic metals, wastewater, and coal ash, in addition to carbon emissions. During a call with reporters on Wednesday, EPA administrator Michael Regan argued that by finalizing all of these rules at once, the agency was providing the highest degree of regulatory certainty for the power industry. “This approach is both strategic and innovative,” he said. “We are ensuring that the power sector has the information needed to prepare for the future with confidence, enabling strong investment and planning decisions.”
Initially the EPA was going to require emissions cuts at existing natural gas plants, too, but the agency announced in February that it was delaying that rule in order to develop a “stronger, more durable approach.” EPA officials offered no new details on the timeline on Wednesday.
The two other biggest changes the agency made between the proposed and final rules were to push forward and shorten the timeline for coal plant compliance, and to lower the threshold determining how many natural gas plants have to meet the toughest standard — which means more plants will have to control their emissions.
The agency projects the new standards will prevent a total of nearly 1.4 billion metric tons of carbon emissions through 2047, which is about equal to the amount the power sector emits in a year. That’s significant, but it’s far less than the clean car rules the EPA finalized in March, which are expected to avoid 7.2 billion metric tons of carbon between 2027 and 2055. The EPA also estimates that the power plant rules will produce $370 billion in climate and health benefits over the next two decades, in terms of avoided deaths, hospital visits, and asthma cases.
The new emissions limits for coal plants are tied to how much longer a given coal plant is slated to operate. Those that plan to shut down before 2032 are exempt altogether. Those that plan to retire by 2039 have to reduce the amount of CO2 they emit per megawatt hour by replacing some of the coal they burn with natural gas beginning in 2030. Coal plants with no plans to retire before 2039 are subject to the highest standard, requiring a 90% drop in emissions by 2032 — which would require capturing the emissions and storing them underground.
These standards are certain to lead to more plant closures, but coal plants are already shutting down at a rapid pace purely based on economics and the fact that so many of them are so old. Getting the rules in place is less about tackling coal emissions, per se, and more about “getting utilities thinking more proactive about how they are going to replace these coal plants,” Michelle Solomon, a senior policy advisor at the nonprofit think tank Energy Innovation, told me.
Gas, however, is another story. Utilities have been sounding the alarm about a coming surge in electricity demand. Electric companies throughout the Southeast, as well as Texas, Wisconsin, and elsewhere, have proposed building dozens of new natural gas plants, arguing that renewables and batteries aren’t up to the task of providing a reliable, dispatchable source of power.
Whether that coming demand is real or inflated is a matter of debate. But regardless, clean energy researchers and advocates dispute the idea that gas plants are needed for reliability.
“Utilities are seeing an additional need for peak capacity, not an additional need for capacity throughout the day,” Solomon told me, asserting it was possible to meet those peaks with solar and storage, or even by improving efficiency so that the peaks aren’t as high. The trick is making sure we can bring those resources online fast enough. To that end, the Department of Energy also announced a number of initiatives to boost transmission infrastructure on Thursday.
The EPA’s regulations for new gas plants are tied to how frequently they are intended to operate. Plants that are designed to switch on during times of peak demand — a variety called a “simple cycle” combustion turbine plant — won’t have to do anything differently. Plants that run a bit more often — so-called “intermediate” resources that might run daily from mid-morning till the evening, at 20% to 40% of their annual capacity — will be required to install the most efficient equipment available on the market. Any that operate more frequently than that will be subject to the 90% emissions reduction standard by 2032. This primarily affects “combined cycle” plants, which are more efficient than simple cycle but can’t ramp up and down as quickly or easily.
Utilities with recently hatched plans to build simple cycle plants, including Georgia Power, are unlikely to be affected by the rule at all. “I do think that makes sense, given the focus of these rules, which are on carbon emissions,” Amanda Levin, a director of policy analysis at the Natural Resources Defense Council, told me. “Given the frequency and type of operation for [simple cycle], they’re not as significant as sources of CO2.”
But those utilities that are planning to build combined cycle projects — and many of them are — could be forced to go back to the drawing board. Norris noted that Duke Energy, which serves customers in North and South Carolina and has proposed building more than 6 gigawatts of combined cycle capacity, will be especially exposed.
For combined cycle plants, there are essentially two options to comply: Install carbon capture, or plan to run your plant a lot less frequently. In either case, it “dramatically increases the levelized cost of those units,” Norris told me. “So I think any reasonable regulator would say we've got to go back and do a much more rigorous comparative analysis to other least-cost solutions.”
Solomon has a more cynical view of the recent panic over electricity demand and rush to build new gas plants. “We’ve known that demand is growing, is going to grow, for a long time,” she told me. “The fact that there’s quite a lot of news about this just as the rules are coming out is unlikely to be a total coincidence.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to reflect statements from Duke Energy and trade groups.
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A new PowerLines report puts the total requested increases at $31 billion — more than double the number from 2024.
Utilities asked regulators for permission to extract a lot more money from ratepayers last year.
Electric and gas utilities requested almost $31 billion worth of rate increases in 2025, according to an analysis by the energy policy nonprofit PowerLines released Thursday morning, compared to $15 billion worth of rate increases in 2024. In case you haven’t already done the math: That’s more than double what utilities asked for just a year earlier.
Utilities go to state regulators with its spending and investment plans, and those regulators decide how much of a return the utility is allowed to glean from its ratepayers on those investments. (Costs for fuel — like natural gas for a power plant — are typically passed through to customers without utilities earning a profit.) Just because a utility requests a certain level of spending does not mean that regulators will approve it. But the volume and magnitude of the increases likely means that many ratepayers will see higher bills in the coming year.
“These increases, a lot of them have not actually hit people's wallets yet,” PowerLines executive director Charles Hua told a group of reporters Wednesday afternoon. “So that shows that in 2026, the utility bills are likely to continue to rise, barring some major, sweeping action.” Those could affect some 81 million consumers, he said.
Electricity prices have gone up 6.7% in the past year, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, outpacing overall prices, which have risen 2.7%. Electricity is 37% more expensive today than it was just five years ago, a trend researchers have attributed to geographically specific factors such as costs arising from wildfires attributed to faulty utility equipment, as well as rising costs for maintaining and building out the grid itself.
These rising costs have become increasingly politically contentious, with state and local politicians using electricity markets and utilities as punching bags. Newly elected New Jersey Governor Mikie Sherrill’s first two actions in office, for instance, were both aimed at effecting a rate freeze proposal that was at the center of her campaign.
But some of the biggest rate increase requests from last year were not in the markets best known for high and rising prices: the Northeast and California. The Florida utility Florida Power and Light received permission from state regulators for $7 billion worth of rate increases, the largest such increase among the group PowerLines tracked. That figure was negotiated down from about $10 billion.
The PowerLines data is telling many consumers something they already know. Electricity is getting more expensive, and they’re not happy about it.
“In a moment where affordability concerns and pocketbook concerns remain top of mind for American consumers, electricity and gas are the two fastest drivers,” Hua said. “That is creating this sense of public and consumer frustration that we're seeing.”
The battery recycling company announced a $425 million Series E round after pivoting to power data centers.
Amidst a two year-long slump in lithium prices, the Nevada-based battery recycling company Redwood Materials announced last summer that it had begun a new venture focused on grid-scale energy storage. Today, it’s clear just how much that bet has paid off.
The company announced a $425 million round of Series E funding for the new venture, known as Redwood Energy. That came from some big names in artificial intelligence, including Google and Nvidia’s venture capital arm, NVentures. This marks the final close of the funding round, increasing the total from $350 million announced in October.
Redwood Energy adapts the company’s original mission — breaking down spent batteries to recover, refine, and resell critical minerals — to suit the data center revolution. Instead of merely extracting battery materials, the company can now also repurpose electric vehicle batteries that still have some life left in them as energy storage solutions for AI data centers, allowing Redwood to get value from the battery throughout its lifecycle.
“Regardless of where lithium prices are, if we can put [a lithium-ion battery] in a large-scale energy storage system, it can have a lot more value before we break it down into critical materials,” Claire McConnell, Redwood’s new VP of business development for energy storage, told me.
Over the past 12 to 18 months, she explained that the company had started to receive more and more used electric vehicle battery packs “in better condition than we initially anticipated.” Given the substantial electricity load growth underway, McConnell said the company saw it as “perfect moment” to “develop something that could be really unique for that market.”
At the time of Redwood Energy’s launch last June, the company announced that it had stockpiled over a gigawatt-hour of used EV batteries, with an additional 5 gigawatt-hours expected over the following year. Its first microgrid pilot is already live and generating revenue in Sparks, Nevada, operating in partnership with the data center owner and operator Crusoe Energy. That project is off-grid, supplying solar-generated electricity directly to Crusoe’s data center. Future projects could be grid-connected though, storing energy when prices are low and dispatching it when there are spikes in demand.
The company also isn’t limiting itself to used battery packs, McConnell told me. Plenty of manufacturers, she said, are sitting on a surplus of new batteries that they’re willing to offload to Redwood. The potential reasons for that glut are easy to see: already-slower-than-expected EV adoption compounded by Trump’s rollback of incentives has left many automakers with lower than projected EV sales. And even in the best of times, automakers routinely retool their product lines, which could leave them with excess inventory from an older model.
While McConnell wouldn’t reveal what percent of packs are new, she did tell me they make up a “pretty meaningful percentage of our inventory right now,” pointing to a recently announced partnership with General Motors meant to accelerate deployment of both new and used battery packs for energy storage.
While Redwood isn’t abandoning its battery recycling roots, this shift in priorities toward data center energy storage comes after a tough few years for the battery recycling sector overall. By last June, lithium prices had fallen precipitously from their record highs in 2022, making mineral recycling far less competitive. Then came Trump’s cuts to consumer electric vehicle incentives, further weakening demand. On top of that, the rise of lithium-iron phosphate batteries — which now dominate the battery storage sector and are increasingly common in EVs — have reduced the need for nickel and cobalt in particular, as they’re not a part of this cheaper battery chemistry.
All this helped create the conditions for the bankruptcy of one of Redwood’s main competitors, Li-Cycle, in May 2025. The company went public via a SPAC merger in 2021, aiming to commercialize its proprietary technique for shredding whole lithium-ion battery packs at once. But it ultimately couldn’t secure the funds to finish building out its recycling hub in Rochester, New York, and it was acquired by the commodities trading and mining company Glencore last summer.
“We started really early, and in a way we started Redwood almost too early,” JB Straubel, Redwood’s founder and Tesla’s co-founder, told TechCrunch last summer. He was alluding to the fact that in 2017, when Redwood was founded, there just weren’t that many aging EVs on the road — nor are there yet today. So while an influx of used EV batteries is eventually expected, slower than anticipated EV adoption means there just may not be enough supply yet to sustain a company like Redwood on that business model alone.
In the meantime, Redwood has also worked to recycle and refine critical minerals from battery manufacturing scrap and used lithium-ion from consumer electronics. Partnerships with automakers such as Toyota, Volkswagen, and General Motors, as well as global battery manufacturer Panasonic, have helped bolster both its EV battery recycling business and new storage endeavor. The goal of building a domestic supply chain for battery materials such as lithium, nickel, cobalt, and copper also remains as bipartisan as ever, meaning Redwood certainly isn’t dropping the recycling and refining arm of its business, even as it shifts focus toward energy storage.
For instance, it’s also still working on the buildout of a recycling and battery component production facility in Charleston, South Carolina. While three years ago the company announced that this plant would eventually produce over 100 gigawatt-hours of cathode and anode battery components annually, operations on this front appear to be delayed. When Redwood announced that recycling and refining operations had begun in Charleston late last year, it made no mention of when battery component production would start up.
It’s possible that this could be taking a backburner to the company’s big plans to expand its storage business. While the initial Crusoe facility offers 63 megawatt-hours of battery energy storage, McConnell told me that Redwood is now working on projects “in the hundreds of megawatt-hours, looking to gigawatt-hour scale” that it hopes to announce soon.
The market potential is larger than any of us might realize. Over the next five or so years, McConnell said, “We expect that repurposed electric vehicle battery packs could make up 50% of the energy storage market.”
Fossil fuel companies colluded to stifle competition from clean energy, the state argues.
A new kind of climate lawsuit just dropped.
Last week the state of Michigan joined the parade of governments at all levels suing fossil fuel companies for climate change-related damages. But it’s testing a decidedly different strategy: Rather than allege that Big Oil deceived the public about the dangers of its products, Michigan is bringing an antitrust case, arguing that the industry worked as a cartel to stifle competition from non-fossil fuel resources.
Starting in the 1980s, the complaint says, ExxonMobil, Chevron, Shell, BP, and their trade association, the American Petroleum Institute, conspired “to delay the transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy” and “unlawfully colluded to reduce innovation” in Michigan’s transportation and energy markets. This, it alleges, is a key driver of Michigan’s (and the country’s) present-day struggles with energy affordability. If the companies had not suppressed renewable energy and electric vehicles, the argument goes, these technologies would have become competitive sooner and resulted in lower transportation and energy costs.
The framing may enable Michigan to sidestep some of the challenges other climate lawsuits have faced. Ten states have attempted to hold Big Oil accountable for climate impacts, mostly by arguing that the industry concealed the harms their products would cause. One suit filed by the City of New York has been dismissed, and many others have been delayed due to arguments over whether the proceedings belong in state or federal court, and haven’t yet gotten to the substance of the claims. Michigan’s tactic “maybe speeds up getting to the merits of the case,” Margaret Barry, a climate litigation fellow at Columbia University’s Sabin Center for Climate Change Law, told me, “because those jurisdictional issues aren’t going to be part of the court’s review.”
The fossil fuel industry’s primary defense in these suits has been that cities and states cannot fault oil companies for greenhouse gas emissions because regulating those emissions is the job of the federal government, per the Clean Air Act. Making the case about competition may “avoid arguments about whether this lawsuit is really about regulation,” Rachel Rothschild, an assistant professor of law at the University of Michigan, told me.
The biggest hurdle Michigan will face is proving the existence of a coordinated plot. Geoffrey Kozen, a partner at the law firm Robins Kaplan who works on antitrust cases, told me that companies in these kinds of suits tend to argue that they were simply reacting independently to the same market pressures and responding as any rational market actor would.
There are two main ways for a plaintiff to overcome that kind of argument, Kozen explained. In rare cases, there is a smoking gun — a memo that all of the parties signed saying they were going to act together, for example. More often, attorneys attempt to demonstrate a combination of “parallel conduct,” i.e., showing that all of the parties did the same thing, and “plus factors,” or layers of evidence that make it more likely that there was some kind of underlying agreement.
According to Michigan’s lawsuit, the collusion story in this case goes like this. In 1979, the American Petroleum Institute started a group called the CO2 and Climate Task Force. By that time, Exxon had come to understand that fossil fuel consumption was warming the planet and would cause devastation costing trillions of dollars. The company’s scientists had concluded that cleaner alternatives to fossil fuels would have to make up an increasing amount of the world’s energy if such effects were to be avoided.
“A self-interested and law-abiding rational firm would have used this insight to innovate and compete in the energy market by offering superior and cheaper energy products to consumers,” the complaint says. Michigan alleges that instead, Exxon shared its findings with the other companies in the task force and conspired with them to suppress clean alternatives to fossil fuels. They worked together to “synchronize assessments of climate risks, monitor each other’s scientific and industry outlooks, align their responses to competitive threats, and coordinate their efforts to suppress technologies likely to displace gasoline or other fossil fuels through collusion rather than competition,” according to the complaint.
Michigan’s lawyers point to evidence showing that the named companies shut down internal research programs, withheld products from the market, and used their control of patents to stifle progress away from fossil fuels. The companies were all early leaders in developing clean technologies — with innovations in rechargeable batteries, hybrid cars, and solar panels — but began to sabotage or abandon those efforts after the formation of the task force, the lawsuit alleges.
The case will likely turn on whether the judge finds it credible that these actions would have been against the companies’ self-interest had they not known their peers would be doing the same thing, Kozen told me.
“The actions differ between defendants. They are over a wide range of time periods. And so the question is, is that pursuant to an actual agreement? Or is it pursuant to a bunch of oil executives who are all thinking in similar ways?” he said. “I think that’s going to be the number one point where success or failure is probably going to tip.”
Another challenge for Michigan will be to prove what the world would have looked like had this collusion not taken place. In the parlance of antitrust, this is known as the “but-for world.” Without the Big Oil conspiracy, the lawsuit says, electric vehicles would be “a common sight in every neighborhood,” there would be ubiquitous “reliable and fast chargers,” and renewable energy would be “supplied at scale.” It argues that economic models show that Michigan’s energy prices would also have been significantly lower. While such arguments are common in antitrust cases, it’s a lot more difficult to quantify the effects of stifled innovation than something more straightforward like price fixing.
The companies, of course, reject Michigan’s narrative. A spokeswoman for Exxon told the New York Times it was “yet another legally incoherent effort to regulate by lawsuit.”
If the state can gather enough plausible evidence of harm, however, it may be able to get past the companies’ inevitable motion to dismiss the case and on to discovery. While the case is built on heaps of internal emails and leaked memos that have been made public over the years through congressional investigations, who knows how much of the story has yet to be revealed.
“It’s, in my experience, almost impossible, if someone is actually a member of a cartel, to hide all the evidence,” said Kozen. “Whatever it is, it always comes out.”