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On a long-awaited study, PG&E’s loan, and Germany’s snap elections
Current conditions: A 7.3-magnitude earthquake caused major damage on the Pacific island of Vanuatu • Oil from damaged tankers is washing up on Russian beaches after a storm in the Black Sea • Hot, dry, and windy weather returns to parched Southern California.
The Department of Energy’s study on liquefied natural gas exports could drop as soon as today, but we might already know what’s in it thanks to an accompanying letter written by Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm and obtained by The New York Times. The key takeaways:
The study reportedly stops short of saying that more LNG shipments are not in the public’s best interest and therefore should be banned. President Biden halted new LNG export licenses in January until the DOE could complete its analysis. President-elect Trump has promised to resume export terminal approvals.
More from the DOE: The Loan Programs Office this morning announced a conditional loan commitment of up to $15 billion for Pacific Gas & Electric Company’s Project Polaris. The project “will support a portfolio of projects to expand hydropower generation and battery storage, upgrade transmission capacity through reconductoring and grid enhancing technologies, and enable virtual power plants throughout PG&E’s service area,” the DOE said. This is the largest loan in the history of the LPO, and the office plans to finalize it before the end of President Biden’s term, according toThe Wall Street Journal.
DOE
Permitting reform is officially off the table. Sens. Joe Manchin and John Barrasso had hoped some version of their bipartisan bill to help speed new energy infrastructure would be included in Congress’ must-pass final agenda items for the year, but alas, it won’t. Politico’s Joshua Siegel reported that Manchin “conceded” yesterday on the issue after tense partisan disagreements – over things like who should be able to take advantage of loosened rules, and how local environments and communities would be protected – proved too difficult to overcome. “It’s a shame that our country is losing this monumental opportunity to advance commonsense, bipartisan permitting reform,” Manchin said in a statement.
Somewhat relatedly, the DOE narrowed (from 10 down to three) its list of potential “National Interest Electric Transmission Corridors,” or regions especially in need of energy transmission upgrades. They are:
A NEITC designation would allow the government to speed up grid expansion projects in these regions and provide federal funding. “A lack of transmission infrastructure can directly contribute to higher electricity prices, more frequent power outages from extreme weather, and longer outages as the grid struggles to come back online,” the Department explained in its announcement. A comment period on the three suggested corridors will now begin and extend into the next administration.
The Supreme Court yesterday dismissed a constitutional challenge from 17 Republican-led states against California’s long standing right to make its own clean air rules. The state has had a waiver since the 1960s to set its own vehicle emission standards, so long as they meet or go beyond the national standards. And its rules have been really effective at reducing pollution from cars in the Los Angeles area. Ohio and 16 other states were petitioning the Court, arguing that California was being treated differently than other states and that “the Golden State is not a golden child.” The dismissal “closes the door on a constitutional challenge to California’s anti-pollution standards,” the Los Angeles Timesexplained, but other challengers – including the oil and gas industry – are exploring other legal routes.
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz yesterday lost a confidence vote in parliament, triggering snap elections to be held in February. The turmoil will have ramifications for energy and climate policy in Europe’s largest economy. Sholz’s coalition government “made significant progress in key policy areas, such as renewables expansion,” reportedClean Energy Wire. It also committed Germany to emissions reductions in line with the Paris Agreement. But a new government will have other things on its mind, especially as unemployment is high, energy prices remain elevated, and struggling industry heavyweights like Volkswagen and auto parts supplier Bosch are resorting to massive layoffs. Meanwhile, a scramble is also underway in France to form a government after the previous one failed a no-confidence vote two weeks ago. “The EU as a whole is affected” by these political instabilities, reported the BBC, and everything from global climate policy to the war in Ukraine could feel the impacts.
A rapid study from Imperial College London finds that human-caused climate change intensified Tropical Cyclone Chido from a Category 3 storm to a Category 4 storm. The cyclone devastated the French territory of Mayotte over the weekend.
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A conversation with VDE Americas CEO Brian Grenko.
This week’s Q&A is about hail. Last week, we explained how and why hail storm damage in Texas may have helped galvanize opposition to renewable energy there. So I decided to reach out to Brian Grenko, CEO of renewables engineering advisory firm VDE Americas, to talk about how developers can make sure their projects are not only resistant to hail but also prevent that sort of pushback.
The following conversation has been lightly edited for clarity.
Hiya Brian. So why’d you get into the hail issue?
Obviously solar panels are made with glass that can allow the sunlight to come through. People have to remember that when you install a project, you’re financing it for 35 to 40 years. While the odds of you getting significant hail in California or Arizona are low, it happens a lot throughout the country. And if you think about some of these large projects, they may be in the middle of nowhere, but they are taking hundreds if not thousands of acres of land in some cases. So the chances of them encountering large hail over that lifespan is pretty significant.
We partnered with one of the country’s foremost experts on hail and developed a really interesting technology that can digest radar data and tell folks if they’re developing a project what the [likelihood] will be if there’s significant hail.
Solar panels can withstand one-inch hail – a golfball size – but once you get over two inches, that’s when hail starts breaking solar panels. So it’s important to understand, first and foremost, if you’re developing a project, you need to know the frequency of those events. Once you know that, you need to start thinking about how to design a system to mitigate that risk.
The government agencies that look over land use, how do they handle this particular issue? Are there regulations in place to deal with hail risk?
The regulatory aspects still to consider are about land use. There are authorities with jurisdiction at the federal, state, and local level. Usually, it starts with the local level and with a use permit – a conditional use permit. The developer goes in front of the township or the city or the county, whoever has jurisdiction of wherever the property is going to go. That’s where it gets political.
To answer your question about hail, I don’t know if any of the [authority having jurisdictions] really care about hail. There are folks out there that don’t like solar because it’s an eyesore. I respect that – I don’t agree with that, per se, but I understand and appreciate it. There’s folks with an agenda that just don’t want solar.
So okay, how can developers approach hail risk in a way that makes communities more comfortable?
The bad news is that solar panels use a lot of glass. They take up a lot of land. If you have hail dropping from the sky, that’s a risk.
The good news is that you can design a system to be resilient to that. Even in places like Texas, where you get large hail, preparing can mean the difference between a project that is destroyed and a project that isn’t. We did a case study about a project in the East Texas area called Fighting Jays that had catastrophic damage. We’re very familiar with the area, we work with a lot of clients, and we found three other projects within a five-mile radius that all had minimal damage. That simple decision [to be ready for when storms hit] can make the complete difference.
And more of the week’s big fights around renewable energy.
1. Long Island, New York – We saw the face of the resistance to the war on renewable energy in the Big Apple this week, as protestors rallied in support of offshore wind for a change.
2. Elsewhere on Long Island – The city of Glen Cove is on the verge of being the next New York City-area community with a battery storage ban, discussing this week whether to ban BESS for at least one year amid fire fears.
3. Garrett County, Maryland – Fight readers tell me they’d like to hear a piece of good news for once, so here’s this: A 300-megawatt solar project proposed by REV Solar in rural Maryland appears to be moving forward without a hitch.
4. Stark County, Ohio – The Ohio Public Siting Board rejected Samsung C&T’s Stark Solar project, citing “consistent opposition to the project from each of the local government entities and their impacted constituents.”
5. Ingham County, Michigan – GOP lawmakers in the Michigan State Capitol are advancing legislation to undo the state’s permitting primacy law, which allows developers to evade municipalities that deny projects on unreasonable grounds. It’s unlikely the legislation will become law.
6. Churchill County, Nevada – Commissioners have upheld the special use permit for the Redwood Materials battery storage project we told you about last week.
Long Islanders, meanwhile, are showing up in support of offshore wind, and more in this week’s edition of The Fight.
Local renewables restrictions are on the rise in the Hawkeye State – and it might have something to do with carbon pipelines.
Iowa’s known as a renewables growth area, producing more wind energy than any other state and offering ample acreage for utility-scale solar development. This has happened despite the fact that Iowa, like Ohio, is home to many large agricultural facilities – a trait that has often fomented conflict over specific projects. Iowa has defied this logic in part because the state was very early to renewables, enacting a state portfolio standard in 1983, signed into law by a Republican governor.
But something else is now on the rise: Counties are passing anti-renewables moratoria and ordinances restricting solar and wind energy development. We analyzed Heatmap Pro data on local laws and found a rise in local restrictions starting in 2021, leading to nearly 20 of the state’s 99 counties – about one fifth – having some form of restrictive ordinance on solar, wind or battery storage.
What is sparking this hostility? Some of it might be counties following the partisan trend, as renewable energy has struggled in hyper-conservative spots in the U.S. But it may also have to do with an outsized focus on land use rights and energy development that emerged from the conflict over carbon pipelines, which has intensified opposition to any usage of eminent domain for energy development.
The central node of this tension is the Summit Carbon Solutions CO2 pipeline. As we explained in a previous edition of The Fight, the carbon transportation network would cross five states, and has galvanized rural opposition against it. Last November, I predicted the Summit pipeline would have an easier time under Trump because of his circle’s support for oil and gas, as well as the placement of former North Dakota Governor Doug Burgum as interior secretary, as Burgum was a major Summit supporter.
Admittedly, this prediction has turned out to be incorrect – but it had nothing to do with Trump. Instead, Summit is now stalled because grassroots opposition to the pipeline quickly mobilized to pressure regulators in states the pipeline is proposed to traverse. They’re aiming to deny the company permits and lobbying state legislatures to pass bills banning the use of eminent domain for carbon pipelines. One of those states is South Dakota, where the governor last month signed an eminent domain ban for CO2 pipelines. On Thursday, South Dakota regulators denied key permits for the pipeline for the third time in a row.
Another place where the Summit opposition is working furiously: Iowa, where opposition to the CO2 pipeline network is so intense that it became an issue in the 2020 presidential primary. Regulators in the state have been more willing to greenlight permits for the project, but grassroots activists have pressured many counties into some form of opposition.
The same counties with CO2 pipeline moratoria have enacted bans or land use restrictions on developing various forms of renewables, too. Like Kossuth County, which passed a resolution decrying the use of eminent domain to construct the Summit pipeline – and then three months later enacted a moratorium on utility-scale solar.
I asked Jessica Manzour, a conservation program associate with Sierra Club fighting the Summit pipeline, about this phenomenon earlier this week. She told me that some counties are opposing CO2 pipelines and then suddenly tacking on or pivoting to renewables next. In other cases, counties with a burgeoning opposition to renewables take up the pipeline cause, too. In either case, this general frustration with energy companies developing large plots of land is kicking up dust in places that previously may have had a much lower opposition risk.
“We painted a roadmap with this Summit fight,” said Jess Manzour, a campaigner with Sierra Club involved in organizing opposition to the pipeline at the grassroots level, who said zealous anti-renewables activists and officials are in some cases lumping these items together under a broad umbrella. ”I don’t know if it’s the people pushing for these ordinances, rather than people taking advantage of the situation.”