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Texas and California offered intriguing, opposing examples of what batteries can do for the grid.

While cold winters in the south and hot summers across the country are the most dramatic times for electricity usage — with air conditioners blasting as weary workers return home or inefficient electric heaters strain to keep toes warm from Chattanooga to El Paso before the sun is up — it may be early spring that gives us the most insight into the lower-emitting grid of the future.
In California, America’s longtime leader in clean energy deployment, the combination of mild temperatures and longer days means that solar power can do most of the heavy lifting. And in Texas — whose uniquely isolated, market-based and permissive grid is fast becoming the source of much of the country’s clean power growth — regulators allow the state’s vast fleet of natural gas power (and some coal) power plants to shut down for maintenance during the mild weather, giving renewables time to shine.
And not just renewables: Both Texas and California saw remarkable usage of batteries on the grid this week. If the whole country’s grid is ever going to be decarbonized, other grids will have to start looking at what's happening in America’s two largest states.
At 7:30 p.m. Central Time on Tuesday, with 20,000 megawatts of power unavailable due to planned outages of thermal power plants, batteries were providing 1.7 gigawatts of power to the Texas grid, slightly more than solar, while wind was providing 5.5 gigawatts. Four hours earlier, solar and wind combined for almost 25 gigawatts. Real-time prices Tuesday evening topped out at over $4,000 per megawatt hour, getting close to the $5,000 cap imposed after blackouts and price spikes of Winter Storm Uri in 2021.
“There was a substantial amount of physical capacity available still,” Connor Waldoch, co-founder of the electricity monitoring company Grid Status, told me, referring to generation that was capable of selling power to the grid but was being kept off in case of an emergency. “ERCOT,” the organization that governs the Texas grid, “has been operating conservatively for the last few years,” he said. Temperatures were also high late in the day, with temperatures in the 80s in the evening parts of Texas, leading ERCOT to ask some plants to delay their scheduled maintenance.
According to Grid Status, there was more battery storage on the Texas grid Tuesday than at any point since high temperatures tested its stability last September. That combined with high prices in the real-time energy market meant a huge payday for battery storage operators. When there are more planned outages for natural gas, Waldoch explained, batteries are bidding “at the very tippity top” and likely earning huge revenues in just a few a hours.
But all those batteries are not necessarily helping decarbonize Texas’ electricity system by charging when there’s a lot of cheap solar and discharging when renewables are scarce and prices are high.
That’s because battery systems in Texas make the lion’s share of their revenues by providing what’s known in Texas as “ancillary services.” ERCOT pays battery operators to be available if the grid needs power quickly — and then they get paid again for the power they provide when called upon.
The spike in prices and battery operators' response be a sign that the battery market is maturing. In 2023, according to the battery storage data service Modo Energy, Texas battery operators earned around 85% of their revenue from providing ancillary services. For battery developers, earning money this way is ideal because it means less wear and tear on battery systems as they charge and discharge.
That said, the portion of revenue that battery systems earn from selling actual energy almost tripled from 2022 to 2023; Brandt Vermillion, Modo’s ERCOT lead, estimated that installed battery capacity would double in ERCOT in 2024, while the amount of ancillary services would stay “more or less fixed.” As the supply of battery capacity gets closer to and possibly exceeds demand for ancillary services, those prices will fall, Vermillion said. Over time, “energy arbitrage” — charging when prices are low and discharging when prices are high — will become a more and more attractive way to earn revenue.
To get a sense of what that will look like, Texas battery storage operators should look west.
In California this week, conditions were more, well, pacific. At 8 p.m. Pacific Time on Tuesday night, there were around 6 gigawatts of battery storage discharging onto the grid, more than the 5 gigawatts of natural gas or the 4.5 gigawatts of hydro power at the time. Batteries were the largest source of power on the grid.
This was a signal moment for California, which has been procuring and deploying grid batteries at a breakneck pace, and even retooled its residential solar program to encourage home battery storage. California’s grid has over 7 gigawatts of installed battery storage, according to the Energy Information Administration, the most of any state, while Texas, in second place, has just over 3 gigawatts. (There are another 300 utility-scale battery projects in the pipeline for 2024, according to the EIA, with about half of them planned for Texas.)
In California, the so-called “saturation” of ancillary services by batteries is far more advanced, and the portion of revenues earned by battery systems by providing them has decreased.
“Ancillary services have gone from taking up the majority of battery capacity to only a small fraction,” according to a report by the California Independent System Operator. By the end of 2022, the majority of battery revenue came from the energy markets, not ancillary services, the report said.
Thanks to the magnitude of solar in California, Grid Status’ Waldoch explained, “almost every day there’s a long negative- or low-price period” — an ideal time for carbon-abating energy arbitrage.
Batteries that are most carbon-abating tend to power themselves when transmission is congested, which essentially “strands” renewables on the grid, or when they would otherwise be curtailed, when there’s too much renewable power available compared to demand, explained Emma Konet, co-founder of Tierra Climate, which is working to set up a voluntary carbon market to encourage carbon-abating battery usage. When the company examined Texas’ battery market in 2022, it found that only about a fifth of batteries were actually abating carbon.
In fact, the most carbon-intensive battery system in Texas that Tierra Climate looked at was also its most profitable, making the lion’s share of its revenue in the ancillary services markets; the most carbon-abating didn’t participate in the ancillary services markets at all, and was paired directly with a solar project.
Texas's energy market is simply not structured in a way such that there's a good correlation between low prices and low emissions for charging and high prices and high emissions when batteries discharge, Konet told me. (The best way to align batteries with lower emissions, she added, would be a carbon tax of at least $50 a ton.) While Tierra Climate hasn’t looked in detail at California, Konet said California’s battery systems are more likely to be carbon-abating because of the prevalence of storage projects paired with renewable generation.
There’s probably no worse way to encourage Texas to do something than by pointing to California as a positive example. Still, if Texas’ battery storage industry is ever going to turn into something more than an adjuster pedal for its existing grid mix, it’s going to have to get a little more Left Coast — or at least move a little closer to those solar panels.
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1. Marion County, Indiana — State legislators made a U-turn this week in Indiana.
2. Baldwin County, Alabama — Alabamians are fighting a solar project they say was dropped into their laps without adequate warning.
3. Orleans Parish, Louisiana — The Crescent City has closed its doors to data centers, at least until next year.
A conversation with Emily Pritzkow of Wisconsin Building Trades
This week’s conversation is with Emily Pritzkow, executive director for the Wisconsin Building Trades, which represents over 40,000 workers at 15 unions, including the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, the International Union of Operating Engineers, and the Wisconsin Pipe Trades Association. I wanted to speak with her about the kinds of jobs needed to build and maintain data centers and whether they have a big impact on how communities view a project. Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
So first of all, how do data centers actually drive employment for your members?
From an infrastructure perspective, these are massive hyperscale projects. They require extensive electrical infrastructure and really sophisticated cooling systems, work that will sustain our building trades workforce for years – and beyond, because as you probably see, these facilities often expand. Within the building trades, we see the most work on these projects. Our electricians and almost every other skilled trade you can think of, they’re on site not only building facilities but maintaining them after the fact.
We also view it through the lens of requiring our skilled trades to be there for ongoing maintenance, system upgrades, and emergency repairs.
What’s the access level for these jobs?
If you have a union signatory employer and you work for them, you will need to complete an apprenticeship to get the skills you need, or it can be through the union directly. It’s folks from all ranges of life, whether they’re just graduating from high school or, well, I was recently talking to an office manager who had a 50-year-old apprentice.
These apprenticeship programs are done at our training centers. They’re funded through contributions from our journey workers and from our signatory contractors. We have programs without taxpayer dollars and use our existing workforce to bring on the next generation.
Where’s the interest in these jobs at the moment? I’m trying to understand the extent to which potential employment benefits are welcomed by communities with data center development.
This is a hot topic right now. And it’s a complicated topic and an issue that’s evolving – technology is evolving. But what we do find is engagement from the trades is a huge benefit to these projects when they come to a community because we are the community. We have operated in Wisconsin for 130 years. Our partnership with our building trades unions is often viewed by local stakeholders as the first step of building trust, frankly; they know that when we’re on a project, it’s their neighbors getting good jobs and their kids being able to perhaps train in their own backyard. And local officials know our track record. We’re accountable to stakeholders.
We are a valuable player when we are engaged and involved in these sting decisions.
When do you get engaged and to what extent?
Everyone operates differently but we often get engaged pretty early on because, obviously, our workforce is necessary to build the project. They need the manpower, they need to talk to us early on about what pipeline we have for the work. We need to talk about build-out expectations and timelines and apprenticeship recruitment, so we’re involved early on. We’ve had notable partnerships, like Microsoft in southeast Wisconsin. They’re now the single largest taxpayer in Racine County. That project is now looking to expand.
When we are involved early on, it really shows what can happen. And there are incredible stories coming out of that job site every day about what that work has meant for our union members.
To what extent are some of these communities taking in the labor piece when it comes to data centers?
I think that’s a challenging question to answer because it varies on the individual person, on what their priority is as a member of a community. What they know, what they prioritize.
Across the board, again, we’re a known entity. We are not an external player; we live in these communities and often have training centers in them. They know the value that comes from our workers and the careers we provide.
I don’t think I’ve seen anyone who says that is a bad thing. But I do think there are other factors people are weighing when they’re considering these projects and they’re incredibly personal.
How do you reckon with the personal nature of this issue, given the employment of your members is also at stake? How do you grapple with that?
Well, look, we respect, over anything else, local decision-making. That’s how this should work.
We’re not here to push through something that is not embraced by communities. We are there to answer questions and good actors and provide information about our workforce, what it can mean. But these are decisions individual communities need to make together.
What sorts of communities are welcoming these projects, from your perspective?
That’s another challenging question because I think we only have a few to go off of here.
I would say more information earlier on the better. That’s true in any case, but especially with this. For us, when we go about our day-to-day activities, that is how our most successful projects work. Good communication. Time to think things through. It is very early days, so we have some great success stories we can point to but definitely more to come.
The number of data centers opposed in Republican-voting areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
It’s probably an exaggeration to say that there are more alligators than people in Colleton County, South Carolina, but it’s close. A rural swath of the Lowcountry that went for Trump by almost 20%, the “alligator alley” is nearly 10% coastal marshes and wetlands, and is home to one of the largest undeveloped watersheds in the nation. Only 38,600 people — about the population of New York’s Kew Gardens neighborhood — call the county home.
Colleton County could soon have a new landmark, though: South Carolina’s first gigawatt data center project, proposed by Eagle Rock Partners.
That’s if it overcomes mounting local opposition, however. Although the White House has drummed up data centers as the key to beating China in the race for AI dominance, Heatmap Pro data indicate that a backlash is growing from deep within President Donald Trump’s strongholds in rural America.
According to Heatmap Pro data, there are 129 embattled data centers located in Republican-voting areas. The vast majority of these counties are rural; just six occurred in counties with more than 1,000 people per square mile. That’s compared with 93 projects opposed in Democratic areas, which are much more evenly distributed across rural and more urban areas.
Most of this opposition is fairly recent. Six months ago, only 28 data centers proposed in low-density, Trump-friendly countries faced community opposition. In the past six months, that number has jumped by 95 projects. Heatmap’s data “shows there is a split, especially if you look at where data centers have been opposed over the past six months or so,” says Charlie Clynes, a data analyst with Heatmap Pro. “Most of the data centers facing new fights are in Republican places that are relatively sparsely populated, and so you’re seeing more conflict there than in Democratic areas, especially in Democratic areas that are sparsely populated.”
All in all, the number of data centers that have faced opposition in Republican areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
Our polling reflects the breakdown in the GOP: Rural Republicans exhibit greater resistance to hypothetical data center projects in their communities than urban Republicans: only 45% of GOP voters in rural areas support data centers being built nearby, compared with nearly 60% of urban Republicans.

Such a pattern recently played out in Livingston County, Michigan, a farming area that went 61% for President Donald Trump, and “is known for being friendly to businesses.” Like Colleton County, the Michigan county has low population density; last fall, hundreds of the residents of Howell Township attended public meetings to oppose Meta’s proposed 1,000-acre, $1 billion AI training data center in their community. Ultimately, the uprising was successful, and the developer withdrew the Livingston County project.
Across the five case studies I looked at today for The Fight — in addition to Colleton and Livingston Counties, Carson County, Texas; Tucker County, West Virginia; and Columbia County, Georgia, are three other red, rural examples of communities that opposed data centers, albeit without success — opposition tended to be rooted in concerns about water consumption, noise pollution, and environmental degradation. Returning to South Carolina for a moment: One of the two Colleton residents suing the county for its data center-friendly zoning ordinance wrote in a press release that he is doing so because “we cannot allow” a data center “to threaten our star-filled night skies, natural quiet, and enjoyment of landscapes with light, water, and noise pollution.” (In general, our polling has found that people who strongly oppose clean energy are also most likely to oppose data centers.)
Rural Republicans’ recent turn on data centers is significant. Of 222 data centers that have faced or are currently facing opposition, the majority — 55% —are located in red low-population-density areas. Developers take note: Contrary to their sleepy outside appearances, counties like South Carolina’s alligator alley clearly have teeth.