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Renewable energy isn’t the only big beneficiary of Biden’s announcement in Pennsylvania.

Seven regions of the country are about to become laboratories for a whole new system of producing and using energy. If all goes according to the Biden administration’s plans, by the end of the decade, clean hydrogen, which can be produced and used without greenhouse gas emissions, will replace fossil fuels across a variety of industries that can’t easily run on renewable energy.
President Biden announced the seven regions that will be eligible for up to $7 billion to build “hydrogen hubs” while visiting Pennsylvania on Friday. The selected hubs are made up of coalitions of governments, companies, labor groups, and universities that will use a combination of private and public funding to build new infrastructure to test the production, transport, and use of hydrogen.
The hubs have not yet been awarded any funding and will now move into a negotiation phase where they will refine their community benefits plans and other aspects of their proposals before being awarded an initial grant to move forward. In the coming weeks, the Department of Energy will begin hosting virtual community briefings with the project teams and local stakeholders in their regions, which may be used to inform the negotiation process.
Friday’s announcement included the names of the seven hubs that are eligible for funding and a few paragraphs explaining the general outline of what they plan to do. The Department of Energy provided the following map which offers a rough sense of the number of projects within each hub and where they will be located. But there’s still very little information about what these projects are.

Based on what we do know, here are three big takeaways from the announcement today.
At least some of the dots on that map will be production facilities. The main benefit of hydrogen is that it doesn’t release emissions when burned, but the challenge is that it isn’t readily available in the environment like coal or gas or renewable energy. It has to be produced. And it will only help tackle climate change if it can be produced without emissions.
Three of the hubs — in California, the Pacific Northwest, and the Mid-Atlantic — plan to make hydrogen using only renewable energy, nuclear power, or biomass. But at least three of the hubs — in the Gulf Coast, Appalachia, and the Midwest — plan to make it from natural gas and capture the carbon released in the process. (The Department of Energy did not specify what resources the Heartland hub plans to use.)
A lot of climate advocates and researchers are skeptical if not outright against schemes to make hydrogen from natural gas with carbon capture. One risk is that not all of the carbon will be captured. Another is that it takes additional natural gas to run the capture equipment, so the overall effect could be increased natural gas production. That could perpetuate pollution in communities living near wells and processing facilities. Depending on how much methane leaks from natural gas infrastructure, it could also cancel out any benefits from using hydrogen.
The scale of these risks will become clearer after the projects move to the awards phase, at which point they will have to “submit detailed risk assessments and risk management plans outlining potential risks and impacts, and how they will mitigate those impacts.”
Hydrogen has the potential to be used in basically any application that we use fossil fuels in today. But because it takes so much energy to make, it won’t necessarily make sense to use it everywhere. One of the main purposes of the hydrogen hubs program is to determine the cases where hydrogen will be an efficient, economical way to cut emissions.
The hubs outline a variety of ways they will use hydrogen, from steelmaking to fertilizer production to power generation. But there’s one area that at least six out of the seven hubs all see a future in: heavy duty transportation. All of the regions except the Heartland hub describe building networks of hydrogen fueling stations for long-haul trucks, buses, municipal waste, drayage, and other heavy duty vehicles.
Truck manufacturers are mixed on whether hydrogen will ultimately be the best solution to replace diesel. Equipping trucks with rechargeable batteries could turn out to be cheaper. But powering trucks with hydrogen fuel cells may be a lighter, space-saving option, and offer the ability to refuel more quickly. If the hubs program establishes a national network of hydrogen fueling stations, that could help tip the scales in favor of fuel cell trucks. The question is whether it will be built in time to beat the pace of battery innovation.
However, there are two other types of transport where many experts agree hydrogen will be useful: aviation and shipping. The Midwest and Pacific hubs also plan to produce aviation fuel, and the Gulf Coast aims to produce fuel for ships.
While hydrogen hubs certainly come with risks, they also have the potential to deliver big economic benefits to communities. The research firm Rhodium Group estimates that a commercial-scale hydrogen production facility that uses electricity is associated with an average of 330 jobs during the construction phase and 45 permanent jobs when the plant becomes operational.
The hubs are expected to create more than 200,000 jobs during the construction phase, and more than 100,000 permanent jobs. The question, as always, is whether these will be “good” jobs. But at least three of the hubs — in California, the Mid-Atlantic, and the Pacific Northwest — say they will require labor agreements for all projects connected to their hubs. If the job estimates provided by the hubs are accurate, some 86% of the permanent positions created by the hubs will be in these three regions.
By definition, these kinds of deals are hashed out between developers and local unions prior to any hiring and establish wages and benefits for the workers involved in a project. They don’t guarantee that union workers will be hired, but they do level the playing field for union contractors to compete with non-union shops — and set clear standards for whoever is ultimately hired.
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A chat with CleanCapital founder Jon Powers.
This week’s conversation is with Jon Powers, founder of the investment firm CleanCapital. I reached out to Powers because I wanted to get a better understanding of how renewable energy investments were shifting one year into the Trump administration. What followed was a candid, detailed look inside the thinking of how the big money in cleantech actually views Trump’s war on renewable energy permitting.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Alright, so let’s start off with a big question: How do investors in clean energy view Trump’s permitting freeze?
So, let’s take a step back. Look at the trend over the last decade. The industry’s boomed, manufacturing jobs are happening, the labor force has grown, investments are coming.
We [Clean Capital] are backed by infrastructure life insurance money. It’s money that wasn’t in this market 10 years ago. It’s there because these are long-term infrastructure assets. They see the opportunity. What are they looking for? Certainty. If somebody takes your life insurance money, and they invest it, they want to know it’s going to be there in 20 years in case they need to pay it out. These are really great assets – they’re paying for electricity, the panels hold up, etcetera.
With investors, the more you can manage that risk, the more capital there is out there and the better cost of capital there is for the project. If I was taking high cost private equity money to fund a project, you have to pay for the equipment and the cost of the financing. The more you can bring down the cost of financing – which has happened over the last decade – the cheaper the power can be on the back-end. You can use cheaper money to build.
Once you get that type of capital, you need certainty. That certainty had developed. The election of President Trump threw that into a little bit of disarray. We’re seeing that being implemented today, and they’re doing everything they can to throw wrenches into the growth of what we’ve been doing. They passed the bill affecting the tax credits, and the work they’re doing on permitting to slow roll projects, all of that uncertainty is damaging the projects and more importantly costs everyone down the road by raising the cost of electricity, in turn making projects more expensive in the first place. It’s not a nice recipe for people buying electricity.
But in September, I went to the RE+ conference in California – I thought that was going to be a funeral march but it wasn’t. People were saying, Now we have to shift and adjust. This is a huge industry. How do we get those adjustments and move forward?
Investors looked at it the same way. Yes, how will things like permitting affect the timeline of getting to build? But the fundamentals of supply and demand haven’t changed and in fact are working more in favor of us than before, so we’re figuring out where to invest on that potential. Also, yes federal is key, but state permitting is crucial. When you’re talking about distributed generation going out of a facility next to a data center, or a Wal-Mart, or an Amazon warehouse, that demand very much still exists and projects are being built in that middle market today.
What you’re seeing is a recalibration of risk among investors to understand where we put our money today. And we’re seeing some international money pulling back, and it all comes back to that concept of certainty.
To what extent does the international money moving out of the U.S. have to do with what Trump has done to offshore wind? Is that trade policy? Help us understand why that is happening.
I think it’s not trade policy, per se. Maybe that’s happening on the technology side. But what I’m talking about is money going into infrastructure and assets – for a couple of years, we were one of the hottest places to invest.
Think about a European pension fund who is taking money from a country in Europe and wanting to invest it somewhere they’ll get their money back. That type of capital has definitely been re-evaluating where they’ll put their money, and parallel, some of the larger utility players are starting to re-evaluate or even back out of projects because they’re concerned about questions around large-scale utility solar development, specifically.
Taking a step back to something else you said about federal permitting not being as crucial as state permitting–
That’s about the size of the project. Huge utility projects may still need federal approvals for transmission.
Okay. But when it comes to the trendline on community relations and social conflict, are we seeing renewable energy permitting risk increase in the U.S.? Decrease? Stay the same?
That has less to do with the administration but more of a well-structured fossil fuel campaign. Anti-climate, very dark money. I am not an expert on where the money comes from, but folks have tried to map that out. Now you’re even seeing local communities pass stuff like no energy storage [ordinances].
What’s interesting is that in those communities, we as an industry are not really present providing facts to counter this. That’s very frustrating for folks. We’re seeing these pass and honestly asking, Who was there?
Is the federal permitting freeze impacting investment too?
Definitely.
It’s not like you put money into a project all at once, right? It happens in these chunks. Let’s say there’s 10 steps for investing in a project. A little bit of money at step one, more money at step two, and it gradually gets more until you build the project. The middle area – permitting, getting approval from utilities – is really critical to the investments. So you’re seeing a little bit of a pause in when and how we make investments, because we sometimes don’t know if we’ll make it to, say, step six.
I actually think we’ll see the most impact from this in data center costs.
Can you explain that a bit more for me?
Look at northern Virginia for a second. There wasn’t a lot of new electricity added to that market but you all of the sudden upped demand for electricity by 20 percent. We’re literally seeing today all these utilities putting in rate hikes for consumers because it is literally a supply-demand question. If you can’t build new supply, it's going to be consumers paying for it, and even if you could build a new natural gas plant – at minimum that will happen four-to-six years from now. So over the next four years, we’ll see costs go up.
We’re building projects today that we invested in two years ago. That policy landscape we invested in two years ago hasn’t changed from what we invested into. But the policy landscape then changed dramatically.
If you wipe out half of what was coming in, there’s nothing backfilling that.
Plus more on the week’s biggest renewables fights.
Shelby County, Indiana – A large data center was rejected late Wednesday southeast of Indianapolis, as the takedown of a major Google campus last year continues to reverberate in the area.
Dane County, Wisconsin – Heading northwest, the QTS data center in DeForest we’ve been tracking is broiling into a major conflict, after activists uncovered controversial emails between the village’s president and the company.
White Pine County, Nevada – The Trump administration is finally moving a little bit of renewable energy infrastructure through the permitting process. Or at least, that’s what it looks like.
Mineral County, Nevada – Meanwhile, the BLM actually did approve a solar project on federal lands while we were gone: the Libra energy facility in southwest Nevada.
Hancock County, Ohio – Ohio’s legal system appears friendly for solar development right now, as another utility-scale project’s permits were upheld by the state Supreme Court.
The offshore wind industry is using the law to fight back against the Trump administration.
It’s time for a big renewable energy legal update because Trump’s war on renewable energy projects will soon be decided in the courts.
A flurry of lawsuits were filed around the holidays after the Interior Department issued stop work orders against every offshore wind project under construction, citing a classified military analysis. By my count, at least three developers filed individual suits against these actions: Dominion Energy over the Coastal Virginia offshore wind project, Equinor over Empire Wind in New York, and Orsted over Revolution Wind (for the second time).
Each of these cases are moving on separate tracks before different district courts and the urgency is plain. I expect rulings in a matter of days, as developers have said in legal filings that further delays could jeopardize the completion of these projects due to vessel availability and narrow timelines for meeting power contracts with their respective state customers. In the most dire case, Equinor stated in its initial filing against the government that if the stop work order is implemented as written, it would “likely” result in the project being canceled. Revolution Wind faces similar risks, as I’ve previously detailed for Heatmap.
Meanwhile, around the same time these cases were filed, a separate lawsuit was dropped on the Interior Department from a group of regional renewable energy power associations, including Interwest Energy Alliance, which represents solar developers operating in the American Southwest – ground zero for Trump’s freeze on solar permits.
This lawsuit challenges Interior Secretary Doug Burgum’s secretarial orders requiring his approval for renewable energy decisions, the Army Corps of Engineers’ quiet pause on wetlands approvals, and the Fish and Wildlife Services’ ban on permitting eagle takes, as well as its refusal to let developers know if they require species consultations under the Endangered Species Act. The case argues that the administration is implementing federal land law “contrary to Congress’ intent” by “unlawfully picking winners and losers among energy sources,” and that these moves violate the Administrative Procedures Act.
I expect crucial action in this case imminently, too. On Thursday, these associations filed a motion declaring their intent to seek a preliminary injunction against the administration while the case is adjudicated because, as the filing states, the actions against the renewables sector are “currently costing the wind and solar industry billions of dollars.”
Now, a victory here wouldn’t be complete, since a favorable ruling would likely be appealed and the Trump administration has been reluctant to act on rulings they disagree with. Nevertheless, it would still be a big win for renewables companies frozen by federal bureaucracy and ammo in any future legal or regulatory action around permit activity.
So far, Trump’s war on solar and wind has not really been tested by the courts, sans one positive ruling against his anti-wind Day One executive order. It’s easy in a vacuum to see these challenges and think, Wow, the industry is really fighting back! Maybe they can prevail? However I want to remind my readers that simply having the power of the federal government grants one the capacity to delay commercial construction activity under federal purview, no matter the legality. These matters can become whack-a-mole quite quickly.
Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind project is one such example. Intrepid readers of The Fight may remember I was first to report the Trump administration might try to mess around with the permits previously issued for construction through litigation brought by anti-renewables activists, arguing the government did not adequately analyse potential impacts to endangered whales. Well, it appears we’re getting closer to an answer: In a Dec. 18 filing submitted in that lawsuit, Justice Department attorneys said they have been “advised” that the Interior Department is now considering whether to revoke permits for the project.
Dominion did not respond to a request for comment about this filing, but it is worth noting that the DOJ’s filing concedes Dominion is aware of this threat and “does not concede the propriety” of any review or revocation of the permits.
I don’t believe this alone would kill Coastal Virginia given the project is so far along in construction. But I expect a death by a thousand cuts strategy from the Trump team against renewable energy projects writ large, regardless of who wins these cases.