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Renewable energy isn’t the only big beneficiary of Biden’s announcement in Pennsylvania.

Seven regions of the country are about to become laboratories for a whole new system of producing and using energy. If all goes according to the Biden administration’s plans, by the end of the decade, clean hydrogen, which can be produced and used without greenhouse gas emissions, will replace fossil fuels across a variety of industries that can’t easily run on renewable energy.
President Biden announced the seven regions that will be eligible for up to $7 billion to build “hydrogen hubs” while visiting Pennsylvania on Friday. The selected hubs are made up of coalitions of governments, companies, labor groups, and universities that will use a combination of private and public funding to build new infrastructure to test the production, transport, and use of hydrogen.
The hubs have not yet been awarded any funding and will now move into a negotiation phase where they will refine their community benefits plans and other aspects of their proposals before being awarded an initial grant to move forward. In the coming weeks, the Department of Energy will begin hosting virtual community briefings with the project teams and local stakeholders in their regions, which may be used to inform the negotiation process.
Friday’s announcement included the names of the seven hubs that are eligible for funding and a few paragraphs explaining the general outline of what they plan to do. The Department of Energy provided the following map which offers a rough sense of the number of projects within each hub and where they will be located. But there’s still very little information about what these projects are.

Based on what we do know, here are three big takeaways from the announcement today.
At least some of the dots on that map will be production facilities. The main benefit of hydrogen is that it doesn’t release emissions when burned, but the challenge is that it isn’t readily available in the environment like coal or gas or renewable energy. It has to be produced. And it will only help tackle climate change if it can be produced without emissions.
Three of the hubs — in California, the Pacific Northwest, and the Mid-Atlantic — plan to make hydrogen using only renewable energy, nuclear power, or biomass. But at least three of the hubs — in the Gulf Coast, Appalachia, and the Midwest — plan to make it from natural gas and capture the carbon released in the process. (The Department of Energy did not specify what resources the Heartland hub plans to use.)
A lot of climate advocates and researchers are skeptical if not outright against schemes to make hydrogen from natural gas with carbon capture. One risk is that not all of the carbon will be captured. Another is that it takes additional natural gas to run the capture equipment, so the overall effect could be increased natural gas production. That could perpetuate pollution in communities living near wells and processing facilities. Depending on how much methane leaks from natural gas infrastructure, it could also cancel out any benefits from using hydrogen.
The scale of these risks will become clearer after the projects move to the awards phase, at which point they will have to “submit detailed risk assessments and risk management plans outlining potential risks and impacts, and how they will mitigate those impacts.”
Hydrogen has the potential to be used in basically any application that we use fossil fuels in today. But because it takes so much energy to make, it won’t necessarily make sense to use it everywhere. One of the main purposes of the hydrogen hubs program is to determine the cases where hydrogen will be an efficient, economical way to cut emissions.
The hubs outline a variety of ways they will use hydrogen, from steelmaking to fertilizer production to power generation. But there’s one area that at least six out of the seven hubs all see a future in: heavy duty transportation. All of the regions except the Heartland hub describe building networks of hydrogen fueling stations for long-haul trucks, buses, municipal waste, drayage, and other heavy duty vehicles.
Truck manufacturers are mixed on whether hydrogen will ultimately be the best solution to replace diesel. Equipping trucks with rechargeable batteries could turn out to be cheaper. But powering trucks with hydrogen fuel cells may be a lighter, space-saving option, and offer the ability to refuel more quickly. If the hubs program establishes a national network of hydrogen fueling stations, that could help tip the scales in favor of fuel cell trucks. The question is whether it will be built in time to beat the pace of battery innovation.
However, there are two other types of transport where many experts agree hydrogen will be useful: aviation and shipping. The Midwest and Pacific hubs also plan to produce aviation fuel, and the Gulf Coast aims to produce fuel for ships.
While hydrogen hubs certainly come with risks, they also have the potential to deliver big economic benefits to communities. The research firm Rhodium Group estimates that a commercial-scale hydrogen production facility that uses electricity is associated with an average of 330 jobs during the construction phase and 45 permanent jobs when the plant becomes operational.
The hubs are expected to create more than 200,000 jobs during the construction phase, and more than 100,000 permanent jobs. The question, as always, is whether these will be “good” jobs. But at least three of the hubs — in California, the Mid-Atlantic, and the Pacific Northwest — say they will require labor agreements for all projects connected to their hubs. If the job estimates provided by the hubs are accurate, some 86% of the permanent positions created by the hubs will be in these three regions.
By definition, these kinds of deals are hashed out between developers and local unions prior to any hiring and establish wages and benefits for the workers involved in a project. They don’t guarantee that union workers will be hired, but they do level the playing field for union contractors to compete with non-union shops — and set clear standards for whoever is ultimately hired.
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The most popular scope 3 models assume an entirely American supply chain. That doesn’t square with reality.
“You can’t manage what you don’t measure,” the adage goes. But despite valiant efforts by companies to measure their supply chain emissions, the majority are missing a big part of the picture.
Widely used models for estimating supply chain emissions simplify the process by assuming that companies source all of their goods from a single country or region. This is obviously not how the world works, and manufacturing in the United States is often cleaner than in countries with coal-heavy grids, like China, where many of the world’s manufactured goods actually come from. A study published in the journal Nature Communications this week found that companies using a U.S.-centric model may be undercounting their emissions by as much as 10%.
“We find very large differences in not only the magnitude of the upstream carbon footprint for a given business, but the hot spots, like where there are more or less emissions happening, and thus where a company would want to gather better data and focus on reducing,” said Steven Davis, a professor of Earth system science in the Stanford Doerr School of Sustainability and lead author of the paper.
Several of the authors of the paper, including Davis, are affiliated with the software startup Watershed, which helps companies measure and reduce their emissions. Watershed already encourages its clients to use its own proprietary multi-region model, but the company is now working with Stanford and the consulting firm ERG to build a new and improved tool called Cornerstone that will be freely available for anyone to use.
“Our hope is that with the release of scientific papers like this one and with the launch of Cornerstone, we can help the ecosystem transition to higher quality open access datasets,” Yohanna Maldonado, Watershed’s Head of Climate Data told me in an email.
The study arrives as the Greenhouse Gas Protocol, a nonprofit that publishes carbon accounting standards that most companies voluntarily abide by, is in the process of revising its guidance for calculating “scope 3” emissions. Scope 3 encompasses the carbon that a company is indirectly responsible for, such as from its supply chain and from the use of its products by customers. Watershed is advocating that the new standard recommend companies use a multi-region modeling approach, whether Watershed’s or someone else’s.
Davis walked me through a hypothetical example to illustrate how these models work in practice. Imagine a company that manufactures exercise bikes — it assembles the final product in a factory in the U.S., but sources screws and other components from China. The typical way this company would estimate the carbon footprint of its supply chain would be to use a dataset published by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency that estimates the average emissions per dollar of output for about 400 sectors of the U.S. economy. The EPA data doesn’t get down to the level of detail of a specific screw, but it does provide an estimate of emissions per dollar of output for, say, hardware manufacturing. The company would then multiply the amount of money it spent on screws by that emissions factor.
Companies take this approach because real measurements of supply chain emissions are rare. It’s not yet common practice for suppliers to provide this information, and supply chains are so complex that a product might pass through several different hands before reaching the company trying to do the calculation. There are emerging efforts to use remote sensing and other digital data collection and monitoring systems to create more accurate, granular datasets, Alexia Kelly, a veteran corporate sustainability executive and current director at the High Tide Foundation, told me. In the meantime, even though sector-level emissions estimates are rough approximations, they can at least give a company an indication of which parts of their supply chain are most problematic.
When those estimates don’t take into account country of origin, however, they don’t give companies an accurate picture of which parts of their supply chains need the most attention.
The new study used Watershed’s multi-region model to look at how different types of companies’ emissions would change if they used supply chain data that better reflected the global nature of supply chains. Davis is the first to admit that the study’s findings of higher emissions are not surprising. The carbon accounting field has long been aware of the shortcomings of single-region models. There hasn’t been a big push to change that, however, because the exercise is already voluntary and taking into account global supply chains is significantly more difficult. Many countries don’t publish emissions and economic data, and those that do use a variety of methods to report it. Reconciling those differences adds to the challenge.
While the overall conclusion isn’t surprising, the study may be the first to show the magnitude of the problem and illustrate how more accurate modeling could redirect corporate sustainability efforts. “As far as I know, there is no similar analysis like this focused on corporate value chain emissions,” Derik Broekhoff, a senior scientist at the Stockholm Environment Institute, told me in an email. “The research is an important reminder for companies (and standard setters like the Greenhouse Gas Protocol), who in practice appear to be overlooking foreign supply chain emissions in large numbers.”
Broekhoff said Watershed’s upcoming open-source model “could provide a really useful solution.” At the same time, he said, it’s worth noting that this whole approach of calculating emissions based on dollars spent is subject to significant uncertainty. “Using spending data to estimate supply chain emissions provides only a first-order approximation at best!”
The decision marks the Trump administration’s second offshore wind defeat this week.
A federal court has lifted Trump’s stop work order on the Empire Wind offshore wind project, the second defeat in court this week for the president as he struggles to stall turbines off the East Coast.
In a brief order read in court Thursday morning, District Judge Carl Nichols — a Trump appointee — sided with Equinor, the Norwegian energy developer building Empire Wind off the coast of New York, granting its request to lift a stop work order issued by the Interior Department just before Christmas.
Interior had cited classified national security concerns to justify a work stoppage. Now, for the second time this week, a court has ruled the risks alleged by the Trump administration are insufficient to halt an already-permitted project midway through construction.
Anti-offshore wind activists are imploring the Trump administration to appeal this week’s injunctions on the stop work orders. “We are urging Secretary Burgum and the Department of Interior to immediately appeal this week’s adverse federal district court rulings and seek an order halting all work pending appellate review,” Robin Shaffer, president of Protect Our Coast New Jersey, said in a statement texted to me after the ruling came down.
Any additional delays may be fatal for some of the offshore wind projects affected by Trump’s stop work orders, irrespective of the rulings in an appeal. Both Equinor and Orsted, developer of the Revolution Wind project, argued for their preliminary injunctions because even days of delay would potentially jeopardize access to vessels necessary for construction. Equinor even told the court that if the stop work order wasn’t lifted by Friday — that is, January 16 — it would cancel Empire Wind. Though Equinor won today, it is nowhere near out of the woods.
More court action is coming: Dominion will present arguments on Friday in federal court against the stop work order halting construction of its Coastal Virginia offshore wind project.
On Heatmap's annual survey, Trump’s wind ‘spillover,’ and Microsoft’s soil deal
Current conditions: A polar vortex is sweeping frigid air back into the Northeast and bringing up to 6 inches of snow to northern parts of New England • Temperatures in the Southeast are set to plunge 25 degrees Fahrenheit below last week’s averages, with highs below freezing in Atlanta • Temperatures in the Nigerian capital of Abuja, meanwhile, are nearing 100 degrees.

To comically understate the obvious, it’s been a big year for climate. So Heatmap called up 55 of the most discerning and disputatious experts — scientists, researchers, innovators, and reformers; some of whom led the Biden administration’s policy efforts, some of whom are harsh or heterodox critics of mainstream environmentalism. We asked them to take stock of everything going on now, from the Trump administration’s shifting policy landscape to China’s evolving place in the world.
The results of that inquiry are now out. You can check out everything on this homepage.
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Wyoming is inching closer to building what could be the United States’ largest data center after commissioners in Laramie County last week unanimously approved construction of a complex designed to scale from an initial 1.8 gigawatts to 10 gigawatts. The facility, called Project Jade, is set to be built by the data center giant Crusoe, with the neighboring gas turbines to power the plant provided by BFC Power and Cheyenne Power Hub. Crusoe’s chief real estate officer, Matt Field, told commissioners last week that the first phase would “leverage natural gas with a potential pathway for CO2 sequestration in the future” by tapping into developer Tallgrass Energy Partners’ existing carbon well hub, Inside Climate News wrote Wednesday.
While the potential for renewables is under discussion, a separate state hearing last week highlighted mounting opposition to the most prolific source of clean power in the state: Wind energy. Nearly two dozen residents from central and southeast Wyoming lambasted a growing “wall” of wind turbines in what Wyofile described as “emotional pleas.” One Cheyenne resident named Wendy Volk said: “This is no longer a series of isolated projects. It is a continuous, or near continuous, industrial corridor stretching across multiple counties and landscapes.”

Global wind executives are warning of “negative spillover” effects on investor sentiment from the Trump administration’s suspended leases on all large U.S. offshore wind projects. In an interview with the Financial Times, Vestas CEO Henrik Andersen, who also serves as the president of the industry group WindEurope, called 2025 a “rollercaster” year. “When you have a 20- to 30-year investment program, the only way you can cover yourself for risk is to ask for a higher return,” he said. “When you get impairments in an industry, everyone would start saying, ‘could that hit us as well?’”
The British government seems willing to reduce that risk. On Wednesday, the United Kingdom handed out record subsidy contracts for offshore wind projects. At the same time, however, oil giant BP wrote down the value of its low-carbon business — which includes wind, solar, and hydrogen — by upward of $5 billion, according to The Wall Street Journal.
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Microsoft on Thursday announced one of the largest soil-based deals to remove carbon from the atmosphere. Under a 12-year agreement, the tech giant will purchase 2.85 million credits from the startup Indigo Carbon PBC, which sequesters carbon dioxide in soil through regenerative agricultural practices. It’s the third deal between Indigo and Microsoft, building on 40,000 metric tons in 2024 and 60,000 last year. “Microsoft is pleased by Indigo’s approach to regenerative agriculture that delivers measurable results through verified credits and payments to growers, while advancing soil carbon science with advanced modeling and academic partnerships,” Phillip Goodman, Microsoft’s director of carbon removal, said in a statement. Microsoft, as my colleague Emily Pontecorvo wrote recently, has “dominated” carbon removal over the past year, increasing its purchases more than fivefold in 2025 compared to 2024.
Despite major progress on clean energy, especially with solar and batteries, a new report by McKinsey & Company found big gaps between current deployments and 2030 goals. The analysis, the first from the megaconsultancy to include China and nuclear power, highlighted “notable discrepancies between announced projects and those with committed funding,” and warned that less than “15% of low-emissions technologies required to meet Paris-aligned goals have been deployed.” In a statement, Diego Hernandez Diaz, McKinsey partner and co-author of the report, said the “progress landscape is nuanced by region and technology and while achieving energy transition commitments remain paramount for countries and companies alike, recent announcements indicate that shifting priorities and slowing momentum have led to project pauses and cancellations across technologies.”
The findings come as emissions are rising. As I wrote in yesterday’s newsletter, the latest Rhodium Group estimate of U.S. emissions notched a reversal of the last two years of declines. In a new Carbon Brief analysis, climate scientist Zeke Hausfather found that 2025 was in the top-three warmest years on record with average surface temperatures reaching 1.44 Celsius above pre-industrial averages across eight independent datasets.
China just installed the most powerful turbine ever built offshore. The 20-megawatt turbine off the coast of Fujian Province set a record for both capacity and rotor diameter, 300 meters from its 147-meter blades. “Compared with offshore wind farms with 16-megawatt units, 20-megawatt units can help wind farms reduce the number of units by 25%, save sea area, dilute development costs, and open up economic blockages for the large-scale development of deep-sea wind power,” the manufacturer, Goldwind, said in a statement.