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Unpriced risk undermined the global economy during the financial crisis of 2008. Today, researchers say unpriced physical climate risk will lead to rapid declines in property values — and point out that this is already happening in some Florida markets. They often compare what’s happening now to the run-up to 2008. If the analogy holds, we will likely see disruption in other related financial structures. In particular, as the physical reality of climate change begins to have an effect on the attractiveness of bonds in risky areas, the ability of local governments to raise money to adapt to rapidly changing climate conditions may be undercut.
But comparing the effect of the 2008 unpriced risk on the municipal bond market with the potential effects of physical climate risk shows the suffering will likely be much greater this time. Today, there’s a direct, rather than indirect, connection between risk and public finance markets.
The solution? Last week, Tom Doe, CEO and founder of Municipal Market Analytics, said cities should act now to raise as much money as possible for adaptation before the municipal bond market starts pricing in physical climate risk. It’s only going to get more expensive later, in his view.
During the 2008 collapse, issuers of municipal bonds suffered. According to the final report on the crisis, New York State was stuck making suddenly skyrocketing interest payments to investors — the rate went from about 3.5% to more than 14% — on $4 billion of its debt. The Port Authority of New York and New Jersey’s interest rate went from 4.3% to 20% in a single week. Investors who had bought municipal bonds in auctions suffered too, because the pool of new buyers dried up very quickly in early 2008.
Since then, the muni market has bounced back in a big way, with professional investment managers urging tax-avoidant retail investors to buy individual bonds through separately managed accounts rather than through a mutual bond fund or an exchange-traded fund. Most people think $500 billion in bond issues is likely in 2025, and the group of buyers has a seemingly unending appetite for what they perceive to be safe and highly liquid investments — essentially the equivalent of money market accounts that promise federal tax-free interest payments.
But the risks now posed by physical climate change to municipal bond issuers and investors are different and likely greater than they were in 2008. The last time around, the municipal bond market suffered because of a domino effect — the insurance companies the issuers were using were exposed to mortgage risk.
According to the Financial Crisis Inquiry Report, so-called “monoline” insurers (writing policies for single financial structures rather than a broad array of products) had gotten into the mortgage-backed securities business, issuing a boatload of guarantees covering more than $250 billion of these structured products. The CEO of one of these monoline businesses, Alan Roseman of ACA, said, “We never expected losses. ... We were providing hedges on market volatility to institutional counterparties.” In other words, ACA believed its risk was limited because it wasn’t directly investing in the underlying assets — that its risk was limited to ups and downs in the market value of the mortgage-backed securities. But when the value of huge numbers of mortgage-backed securities plunged as the credit rating agencies woke up and repriced the risk of the subprime mortgages buried within them, ACA and other insurers were faced with stunning losses.
Those same insurers (MBIA, ACA, Ambac) were then substantially downgraded. And they hadn’t been insuring only mortgage-backed securities — they were also insuring municipal bonds and “auction rate securities” based on those bonds, structures that allowed local governments to borrow money at variable interest rates. When the insurance companies froze up because of the sudden repricing of mortgage-backed securities and their guarantees became worthless, the auction markets froze, as well. As a result, issuers of muni bonds (and investors in them) suffered.
In other words, in 2008, it was risk in a different financial arena — mortgage-backed securities guaranteed by insurance companies — that slopped over and caused problems for municipal bonds. By contrast, when it comes to physical climate change today, the municipal bond market is directly exposed to the central risk: Will the communities that effectively guarantee these bonds continue to be viable? Will these communities be insurable? Will community property values and thus property taxes suddenly decline?
Not only that, the 2008 risk was different because it could be eventually unwound. Property markets could get going again, as they have in spades. This time, deterioration of the underlying asset — the communities themselves — will likely be irreversible. Chronic flooding will not cease on any human-relevant time scale.
Issuers are not being penalized — yet — for the physical climate risk facing their communities, according to Tom Doe’s conversation with Will Compernolle on the latter’s Simply Put podcast last week. “This risk is not being priced in,” Doe said. “There’s no evidence of that right now. And in addition, the rating agencies have not reflected [physical risk] in their letter scoring of credit risk … so there is not a ratings penalty right now. There’s not a pricing penalty.”
Doe’s suggestion is that local governments may want to get out there and raise as much money as they can for adaptation. “State and local governments who are in harm’s way that need to do this can go to the market right now, and investors are not penalizing them. The market is not. So this is essentially cheap money if they issue [bonds] for these projects today,” Doe said.
That’s one way of looking at the situation. Public money for adaptation is cheap, there’s a lot of it potentially available, and it is much less expensive to raise that money now than it will be once the credit rating agencies and the investors start pricing in physical risk and demanding higher interest payments in exchange for the use of their cash.
It’s a race against time: Eventually, as in 2008, the mispriced risk will be correctly assessed. This time, unlike the last crisis, the harm to the underlying assets will be permanent.
A version of this article originally appeared in the author’s newsletter, Moving Day, and has been repurposed for Heatmap.
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And more of this week’s top renewable energy fights across the country.
1. Otsego County, Michigan – The Mitten State is proving just how hard it can be to build a solar project in wooded areas. Especially once Fox News gets involved.
2. Atlantic County, New Jersey – Opponents of offshore wind in Atlantic City are trying to undo an ordinance allowing construction of transmission cables that would connect the Atlantic Shores offshore wind project to the grid.
3. Benton County, Washington – Sorry Scout Clean Energy, but the Yakima Nation is coming for Horse Heaven.
Here’s what else we’re watching right now…
In Connecticut, officials have withdrawn from Vineyard Wind 2 — leading to the project being indefinitely shelved.
In Indiana, Invenergy just got a rejection from Marshall County for special use of agricultural lands.
In Kansas, residents in Dickinson County are filing legal action against county commissioners who approved Enel’s Hope Ridge wind project.
In Kentucky, a solar project was actually approved for once – this time for the East Kentucky Power Cooperative.
In North Carolina, Davidson County is getting a solar moratorium.
In Pennsylvania, the town of Unity rejected a solar project. Elsewhere in the state, the developer of the Newton 1 solar project is appealing their denial.
In South Carolina, a state appeals court has upheld the rejection of a 2,300 acre solar project proposed by Coastal Pine Solar.
In Washington State, Yakima County looks like it’ll keep its solar moratorium in place.
And more of this week’s top policy news around renewables.
1. Trump’s Big Promise – Our nation’s incoming president is now saying he’ll ban all wind projects on Day 1, an expansion of his previous promise to stop only offshore wind.
2. The Big Nuclear Lawsuit – Texas and Utah are suing to kill the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s authority to license small modular reactors.
3. Biden’s parting words – The Biden administration has finished its long-awaited guidance for the IRA’s tech-neutral electricity credit (which barely changed) and hydrogen production credit.
A conversation with J. Timmons Roberts, executive director of Brown University’s Climate Social Science Network
This week’s interview is with Brown University professor J. Timmons Roberts. Those of you familiar with the fight over offshore wind may not know Roberts by name, but you’re definitely familiar with his work: He and his students have spearheaded some of the most impactful research conducted on anti-offshore wind opposition networks. This work is a must-read for anyone who wants to best understand how the anti-renewables movement functions and why it may be difficult to stop it from winning out.
So with Trump 2.0 on the verge of banning offshore wind outright, I decided to ask Roberts what he thinks developers should be paying attention to at this moment. The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity.
Is the anti-renewables movement a political force the country needs to reckon with?
Absolutely. In my opinion it’s been unfortunate for the environmental groups, the wind development, the government officials, climate scientists – they’ve been unwilling to engage directly with those groups. They want to keep a very positive message talking about the great things that come with wind and solar. And they’ve really left the field open as a result.
I think that as these claims sit there unrefuted and naive people – I don’t mean naive in a negative sense but people who don’t know much about this issue – are only hearing the negative spin about renewables. It’s a big problem.
When you say renewables developers aren’t interacting here – are you telling me the wind industry is just letting these people run roughshod?
I’ve seen no direct refutation in those anti-wind Facebook groups, and there’s very few environmentalists or others. People are quite afraid to go in there.
But even just generally. This vast network you’ve tracked – have you seen a similar kind of counter mobilization on the part of those who want to build these wind farms offshore?
There’s some mobilization. There’s something called the New England for Offshore Wind coalition. There’s some university programs. There’s some other oceanographic groups, things like that.
My observation is that they’re mostly staff organizations and they’re very cautious. They’re trying to work as a coalition. And they’re going as slow as their most cautious member.
As someone who has researched these networks, what are you watching for in the coming year? Under the first year of Trump 2.0?
Yeah I mean, channeling my optimistic and Midwestern dad, my thought is that there may be an overstepping by the Trump administration and by some of these activists. The lack of viable alternative pathways forward and almost anti-climate approaches these groups are now a part of can backfire for them. Folks may say, why would I want to be supportive of your group if you’re basically undermining everything I believe in?
What do you think developers should know about the research you have done into these networks?
I think it's important for deciding bodies and the public, the media and so on, to know who they’re hearing when they hear voices at a public hearing or in a congressional field hearing. Who are the people representing? Whose voice are they advancing?
It’s important for these actors that want to advance action on climate change and renewables to know what strategies and the tactics are being used and also know about the connections.
One of the things you pointed out in your research is that, yes, there are dark money groups involved in this movement and there are outside figures involved, but a lot of this sometimes is just one person posts something to the internet and then another person posts something to the internet.
Does that make things harder when it comes to addressing the anti-renewables movement?
Absolutely. Social media’s really been devastating for developing science and informed, rational public policymaking. It’s so easy to create a conspiracy and false information and very slanted, partial information to shoot holes at something as big as getting us off of fossil fuels.
Our position has developed as we understand that indeed these are not just astro-turf groups created by some far away corporation but there are legitimate concerns – like fishing, where most of it is based on certainty – and then there are these sensationalized claims that drive fears. That fear is real. And it’s unfortunate.
Anything else you’d really like to tell our readers?
I didn’t really choose this topic. I feel like it really got me. It was me and four students sitting in my conference room down the hall and I said, have you heard about this group that just started here in Rhode Island that’s making these claims we should investigate? And students were super excited about it and have really been the leaders.