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It’s all about Iran and Saudi Arabia.
What starts in Israel can turn the global energy market upside down. That’s a lesson from the 1973 Yom Kippur War, which started almost exactly 50 years ago with a surprise attack by Egypt and Syria on Israel and helped kick off an embargo from Arab members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries to punish the United States for supporting the Israeli military.
But despite the superficial similarities between the two conflicts, few analysts expect spiraling oil prices — at least not yet.
“Neither Israel nor its direct neighbors are large oil producers. Hence, we judge the near-term risk to oil supply as limited,” Morgan Stanley analysts wrote in a note to clients. “That could change in case the conflict were to extend to other countries in the region.”
The risk to oil supplies largely stem from how the conflict in Gaza affects oil-producing nations in the Middle East, namely Saudi Arabia and Iran.
“The big risk to oil is the odds of the conflict escalating into the Persian Gulf. There could be disruption to oil flows stemming from a U.S. or Israeli escalation against Iran, if it becomes clear that Iran was directly involved in the conflict,” Eurasia Group analyst Greg Brew told me. “That could come in the form of a U.S. crackdown on Iran oil exports — which the U.S. has been disinclined to do this year — which would trigger an Iranian response in the Persian Gulf.”
Rory Johnston, founder of Commodity Context, said that up to one million barrels per day of Iranian exports were at risk if Israel and the United States determined Iran was responsible for the attacks and responded accordingly. “Will Israel attack Iranian infrastructure in retaliation? U.S. sanctions enforcement has been weak over the past year as part of a suite of efforts aimed at getting Iran back in some kind of nuclear deal — does that reverse?”
“If the U.S. or Israel decides to take the fight to Iran, [it] would spin things out in a way that would disrupt oil flows and push prices upward,” Brew told me.
The other major player is Saudi Arabia, which was in the process of negotiating a U.S.-brokered deal to formally recognize Israel, which would be a tectonic shift in the politics of the Middle East.
Last week, oil prices actually declined meaningfully thanks to optimism about the Saudi-Israeli-American deal. The Wall Street Journal reported on Friday that “Saudi Arabia has told the White House it would be willing to boost oil production early next year if crude prices are high,” explicitly in order to help pave the way for a deal with Israel.
Earlier this year, Saudi Arabia announced that it would cut production down by a million barrels a day to nine million, a move which immediately raised suspicions that it would, intentionally or not, damage the Biden administration by leading to a hike in gas prices. Towards the end of last year, average gas prices fell as low as $3.09 per gallon, before rising to $3.87 in August. They are around $3.80 today.
The Biden administration has been trying to navigate twin goals of containing consumer prices — including for gasoline — and transitioning away from fossil fuels. Alongside the unprecedented investments in clean energy from the Inflation Reduction Act, this has meant using federal policy to lower gasoline prices by releasing oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve last year and then trying to bolster U.S. production in the short term by buying oil at prices just above the breakeven price for profitable drilling.
Last Wednesday, OPEC announced that Saudi Arabia and Russia would maintain its previously announced production cuts through the end of this year. Prices for Brent crude went over $96 a barrel late last month and then fell to $84 by the end of the last week, before jumping up to around $87.50 today.
“At least part of last week’s…selloff was the news that the Saudis were negotiating with the Biden admin officials regarding Riyadh officially recognizing Israel, and as part of that deal Saudis were saying that they might ease the current production cuts early next year,” Johnston told me.
“Hard to imagine that the prospects of such a deal remain as strong given what we know Israel is going to do in Gaza in retaliation. Indeed, wedging Israel and Saudi exactly like this is one of the working theories for Iran’s possible involvement.”
At least so far, Israel and the United States have been cautious about blaming Iran for the attacks, thus likely limiting fears that the global energy market will spin out of control. For now.
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They might not be worried now, but Democrats made the same mistake earlier this year.
Permitting reform is dead in the 118th Congress.
It died earlier this week, although you could be forgiven for missing it. On Tuesday, bipartisan talks among lawmakers fell apart over a bid to rewrite parts of the National Environmental Policy Act. The changes — pushed for by Representative Bruce Westerman, chairman of the House Natural Resources Committee — would have made it harder for outside groups to sue to block energy projects under NEPA, a 1970 law that governs the country’s process for environmental decisionmaking.
When those talks died, they also killed a separate deal over permitting struck earlier this year between Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Senator John Barrasso of Wyoming. That deal, as I detailed last week, would have loosened some federal rules around oil and gas drilling in exchange for a new, quasi-mandatory scheme to build huge amounts of long-distance transmission.
Rest in peace, I suppose. Even if lawmakers could not agree on NEPA changes, I think Republicans made a mistake by not moving forward with the Manchin-Barrasso deal. (I still believe that the standalone deal could have passed the Senate and the House if put to a vote.) At this point, I do not think we will see another shot at bipartisan permitting reform until at least late 2026, when the federal highway law will need fresh funding.
But it is difficult to get too upset about this failure because larger mistakes have since compounded the initial one. On Wednesday, Republican Speaker Mike Johnson’s bipartisan deal to fund the government — which is, after all, a much more fundamental task of governance than rewriting some federal permitting laws — fell apart, seemingly because Donald Trump and Elon Musk decided they didn’t like it. If I can indulge in the subjunctive for a moment: That breakdown might have likely killed any potential permitting deal, too. So even in a world where lawmakers somehow did strike a deal earlier this week, it might already be dead. (As I write this, the House GOP has reportedly reached a new deal to fund the government through March, which has weakened or removed provisions governing pharmacy benefit managers and limiting American investments in China.)
The facile reading of this situation is that Republicans now hold the advantage. The Trump administration will soon be able to implement some of the fossil fuel provisions in the Manchin-Barrasso deal through the administrative state. Trump will likely expand onshore and offshore drilling, will lease the government’s best acreage to oil and gas companies, and will approve as many liquified natural gas export terminals as possible. His administration will do so, however, without the enhanced legal protection that the deal would have provided — and while those protections are not a must-have, especially with a friendly Supreme Court, their absence will still allow environmental groups to try to run down the clock on some of Trump’s more ambitious initiatives.
Republicans believe that they will be able to get parts of permitting reform done in a partisan reconciliation bill next year. These efforts seem quite likely to run aground, at least as long as something like the current rules governing reconciliation bills hold. I have heard some crazy proposals on this topic — what if skipping a permitting fight somehow became a revenue-raiser for the federal government? — but even they do not touch the deep structure of NEPA in the way a bipartisan compromise could. As Westerman toldPolitico’s Josh Siegel: “We need 60 votes in the Senate to get real permitting reform … People are just going to have to come to an agreement on what permitting reform is.” In any case, Manchin and the Democrats already tried to reform the permitting system via a partisan reconciliation bill and found it essentially impossible.
Even if reconciliation fails, Republicans say, they will still be in a better negotiating position next year than this year because the party will control a few more Senate votes. But will they? The GOP will just have come off a difficult fight over tax reform. Twelve or 24 months from now, demands on the country’s electricity grid are likely to be higher than they are today, and the risk of blackouts will be higher than before. The lack of a robust transmission network will hinder the ability to build a massive new AI infrastructure, as some of Trump’s tech industry backers hope. But 12 or 24 months from now, too, Democrats — furious at Trump — are not going to be in a dealmaking mood, and Republicans have relatively few ways to bring them to the table.
In any case, savvy Republicans should have realized that it is important to get supply-side economic reforms done as early in a president’s four-year term as possible. Such changes take time to filter through the system and turn into real projects and real economic activity; passing the law as early as possible means that the president’s party can enjoy them and campaign on them.
All of it starts to seem more and more familiar. When Manchin and Barrasso unveiled their compromise earlier this year, Democrats didn’t act quickly on it. They felt confident that the window for a deal wouldn’t close — and they looked forward to a potential trifecta, when they would be able to get even more done (and reject some of Manchin’s fossil fuel-friendly compromises).
Democrats, I think, wound up regretting the cavalier attitude that they brought to permitting reform before Trump’s win. But now the GOP is acting the same way: It is rejecting compromises, believing that it will be able to strike a better deal on permitting issues during its forthcoming trifecta. That was a mistake when Democrats did it. I think it will be a mistake for Republicans, too.
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On Biden’s big announcement, Montana’s climate case, and the murder hornet
Current conditions: Temperatures across western states are between 10 and 20 degrees Fahrenheit above seasonal averages • A temple in Thailand collapsed after unrelenting heavy rain • It’s hot and humid on the remote Caribbean island of Sombrero, where a lizard that was facing extinction six years ago has made a remarkable comeback thanks to conservation efforts.
In one of his last major environmental moves before leaving office, President Biden today announced a new climate plan for the United States that includes tougher emissions targets.
All countries under the Paris Agreement are required to submit updated climate plans – or nationally determined contributions (NDC) – by February of next year. While the new goal is an improvement, it is “at the lower bound of what the science demands and yet it is close to the upper bound of what is realistic if nearly every available policy lever were pulled,” said Debbie Weyle, U.S. acting director of the World Resources Institute. “Assertive action by states and cities will be essential to achieving this goal.” The Climate Action Tracker project calculates that the U.S. must cut total emissions by at least 62% below 2005 levels by 2030 to be compatible with a goal of limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. President-elect Trump is expected to take the U.S. out of the Paris Agreement once again.
The Montana Supreme Court yesterday handed a win to a group of 16 youth climate activists, upholding a lower court’s ruling in the landmark Held V. Montana case that the state was violating residents’ constitutional right to a clean environment by permitting fossil fuel projects without considering the climate consequences. The state had argued that its greenhouse gases were a drop in the bucket compared to global emissions, with negligible effects on the climate, but in a 6-1 ruling, the justices disagreed and affirmed the lower court’s decision. “Montana’s right to a clean and healthful environment and environmental life support system includes a stable climate system,” chief justice Mike McGrath wrote.
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The Environmental Protection Agency this week gave the green light for California to enforce its ban on sales of new gas-powered cars by 2035. About a dozen other states, plus some major automakers, adhere to California’s strict vehicle emission standards, so the decision could have broad implications. But it also is likely to be revoked by the incoming Trump administration, and a long court battle could ensue.
A new report from a group of leading climate tech and microgrid development firms examined the feasibility of using off-grid solar and storage to provide clean power for AI data centers. It found solar microgrids would cost nearly the same as using off-grid natural gas turbines, could be built on a shorter timeline as opposed to rolling out new grid connections, and are “enormously scalable.” “We found that there is enough available land in the southwest U.S. alone that is close to roads and gas pipelines to build 1,200 gigawatts of offgrid solar microgrid data center capacity, far more than will be needed for the foreseeable future,” said Zeke Hausfather, lead climate researcher at Stripe. Here’s a look at the varying “time to operation” estimates from the report:
And speaking of data centers, Oklo, a nuclear startup chaired by Open AI’s Sam Altman, has secured a 20-year agreement to supply power to data center operator Switch Inc. Under the deal, Oklo will build small modular reactors that can supply up to 12 gigawatts of electricity and come online by 2030. Caveat: The Financial Timesnoted that the deal “is non-binding and the company’s technology is years from production.”
President-elect Trump’s advisers are telling him to let federally funded critical minerals projects go ahead without environmental reviews, Reutersreported. Nixing the review process currently required under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) could speed up mining projects and help cut U.S. dependence on China for critical minerals used in clean tech like electric vehicles, but it could also allow developers to ignore climate change and environmental justice considerations.
The invasive “murder hornet” has been eradicated from the U.S.
Karen Ducey/Getty Images