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Sweltering heat and earlier sunsets are a big problem for solar power.
The biggest problem in renewable energy goes by a few names.
Classically, it’s called the “duck curve,” which shows the relationship between solar generation and how much power the rest of the grid uses during the day. At the bottom of the curve, typically around midday, solar can sometimes generate 100% of the power demanded from the grid. But as the sun traces its arc towards the horizon, solar power generation falls and then quickly goes to zero as the sun sets. Often, temperatures and electricity use remains high, especially as people come home from work and start using home appliances, meaning non-solar sources of power must quickly come on line to fill in the gap.
It’s not a coincidence that utilities and grid operators tend to ask consumers to conserve in the later afternoon or evening. The phenomenon is classically associated with solar-heavy California, but it has come to Texas as well, where it goes by the name of the “Armadillo Curve” or the “Dead Armadillo Curve.”
But the relation between the sun and the Earth doesn’t just create darkness and light on daily scales but on annual ones as well. Yes, I know this isn’t breaking news, but it’s important, especially as the power system and climate are changing.
Right now we might be in the neck of the annual duck curve.
In case you haven’t noticed, the sun is setting earlier and it’s still really hot out. Kids are going back to school while much of the country is still facing summer temperatures.
In New York City this week, high temperatures are forecast to get into the 90s, while the sun will set before 7:30; in Washington, D.C., forecast highs are over 100 later this week with a sunset just past 7:30; in Houston, daytime highs to get over 100 later this week, with the sun setting before 7:40; and in Los Angeles , sunsets are at around 7:15 with expected daytime highs in the 90s this weekend.
And Septembers are only getting hotter. Septembers 2021 and 2022 were tied for the fifth hottest on record for the last 143 years, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration; 10 of the hottest Septembers have occurred since 2012. The warmest was in 2020.
These higher temperatures mean prolonged periods of high electricity usage, even as one resource — solar — becomes less potent. This matters because, at least in the United States, we tend to organize our lives — and our electricity usage — around the clock, not the sun.
As the sun is setting earlier, our high electricity usage stretches longer compared to the length of the solar day, exacerbating the duck curve dynamics inherent to solar power. A dishwasher that runs when the sun’s still up in July is pulling the same power from the grid as one that runs during fall’s early twilight. The saving grace of shorter days in a grid that uses solar power is supposed to be that air conditioning usage goes down, but that doesn’t happen when summer temperatures persist past Labor Day.
If hot Septembers and even Octobers become the norm, grid conditions could tighten up both during and across the days, with higher cost, less reliable power or increased usage of fossil fuels to fill in the gap.
These longer, hotter summers can make operating electric grids more difficult. ERCOT, the electricity market that covers the vast majority of Texas, restricts power plants from having planned outages between May 15 and September 15 for maintenance. While still in the summer restriction window, ERCOT on Tuesday issued an alert for later this week, warning of “forecasted higher temperatures, higher electrical demand, and the potential for lower reserves.” If ERCOT extends its restrictions on outages for maintenance, there should be more unplanned outages, making power scarcer, meaning higher prices and a greater possibility of blackouts.
Not every country sees peak electricity usage in late summer. In New England, peak electricity demand tends to hit in July. In the sprawling PJM Interconnection last year, the electricity market that spans from the Chicago area to Virginia, demand peaks tended to be in June or August. In New York, peak demand is often in July.
But summer peaks are later in the year in two the country's largest electricity markets: California and Texas.
The Texas energy market had hit its peak day in July in 2022, but it moved out to August this year. And Texas is already bursting through its September demand records. It reached over 78,000 megawatts in just the first week of this month, well over its previous record of 72,370 megawatts, which it set in 2021.
And California hit its power demand record last September amidst a heat wave that covered much of the western United States.
It’s not just there being literally fewer hours of sunlight that drags down solar production later in the year, but also the lower angle of the sun. “As the sun gets lower in the sky we see solar production numbers will drop,” Joshua Rhodes, a senior research scientist at the University of Texas, told me.
“As the sun is lower in the sky it’s up fewer hours ... the photons are coming in at a steeper angle, the panels are not going to get as much light. Even when the sun is at the highest point of the day, the panels are not getting the same level of irradiance as when the sun is at the highest point of the day [at other times of year].”
The best angle for solar panels can change around 15 degrees a year, depending on the year and solar panels are more efficient when they can track the sun during the day. Most homeowners who install solar panels won’t have tracking technology, while utility-scale solar developers are more likely to. This means that a state like Texas, whose renewable mix is more focused on large solar arrays, could see less dramatic drop-offs in solar power throughout the day or throughout the year than a state like California, which has more residential solar.
A roof-mounted four kilowatt-hour solar PV system with standard specs where I grew up in Northern California would get 7.45 kilowatts-hours per meter squared per day in July, generating 689 kilowatt-hours of power, according to National Renewable Energy Laboratory PVWatts tool; in September, solar radiation would drop down to 6.6 kilowatt-hours per meter squared per day and 587 kilowatt-hours per month.
This admittedly basic math suggests it's possible California could struggle this month — and in future Septembers — with meeting electricity demand.
In the past 10 years, California’s annual load peak has occurred in September five times, with the peak loads in 2022 and 2021 occurring on September 6 and 8 respectively.
This year has been, so far, not particularly stressful for the Golden State’s grid thanks to some good luck — no region-wide, prolonged heat waves that max out California’s grid and make imports scarce, mild temperatures on the coasts where the state’s population is concentrated, no major wildfires, and plentiful hydro power thanks to massive snowfall this past winter — as well as massive deployment of batteries across the grid. The batteries especially can help alleviate these duck curve dynamics, as they essentially redistribute power from the sunniest part of the day to the evenings.
While Texas set several new records this year in electricity usage, California has stayed well short of its 52,000 megawatt record last September. California set records for solar power in June and July, with almost 16,000 megawatts, while total demand over 40,000 megawatts.
“While we haven’t seen substantial stress on the grid this summer, we haven’t been fully tested. If we got the kind of west-wide heat we experienced in September 2022, we could need to tap into the state’s emergency or strategic reserves again,” Anne Gonzales, a spokesperson for the California Independent System Operator, told me in an email.
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These are strange times to be a reporter. The vice president has openly mocked journalists concerned about apparently arbitrary limits to their reporting abilities. Referring to the Gulf of Mexico as such can get you barred from the White House. Say the wrong thing on air and one of the most powerful people in the country might demand you face “a long prison sentence.”
The Trump administration’s flagrant disregard for the law and its mass firings of career civil servants have created an atmosphere of chaos and confusion — one that reaches far beyond Washington. In recent weeks, longtime reliable sources have ghosted Heatmap reporters. Household-name brands and organizations, sought for comment on the administration’s new policies, have avoided responding to queries or apologized for “not being able to contribute at the moment.” Questions sent to government email addresses have begun to return to sender. The pattern of hesitance cuts across sectors: advocacy groups, academics, nonprofits, and commercial enterprises have all declined to comment.
In my own experiences as a reporter, I’ve never found it this difficult to get people to speak with me. To be fair, not everyone has clammed up: Last week, I had an excellent conversation with Corley Kenna and Matt Dwyer, Patagonia’s chief impact officer and vice president of product footprint, respectively, in which we candidly discussed how much Biden-era policies informed their ambitious corporate sustainability goals (almost not at all, they said), as well as some of the backtracking on green initiatives by banks and other major corporations since Trump has taken office.
But tight lips nevertheless abound, and for a number of reasons. Some sources have said they’re unable to offer additional information or clarity on a situation; even experts often can’t hazard a guess as to what will happen next. For example, my colleague Jael Holzman has reported on the “confusing state of affairs” for the renewables industry, with the Army Corps of Engineers sending contradictory messages. The entire federal environmental review process is currently a giant question mark as well — never mind the overarching uncertainty of whether Trump is allowed to be doing any of this in the first place.
But I suspect there’s a more significant reason sources have clammed up: fear. Some might be worried about what will happen if they stick their necks out and are playing a sort of wait-and-see game with everyone else; others, justifiably, might be scared of more direct forms of retribution. Some organizations have policies against their employees speaking on Trump-related developments, or are otherwise preparing or engaged in lawsuits that prevent them from talking to the press more candidly. Even offers to go off the record or publish comments anonymously have been turned down. The hesitation is understandable: Musk and Trump have said they’re eager to snuff out “leakers.”
This makes it challenging to report stories, of course. But it’s also, more existentially, a crisis of democracy. “Although the press is not always the first institution to be attacked when a country’s leadership takes an antidemocratic turn, repression of free media is a strong indication that other political rights and civil liberties are in danger,” Freedom House, a global watchdog, writes. An independent and free press serves to hold power accountable, and it relies on the stories and voices of the people in order to do that well.
The more difficult it becomes to find people willing — or able — to speak freely about what they’re seeing and experiencing, the ever more vital it becomes to report just that.
And, well, if you do have something you want to get off your chest? You know where to find us.
On job cuts, long-term planning, and quarterly profits.
Current conditions:Schools in South Sudan are closing for two weeks due to a heatwave that has caused students to collapse • Unusually heavy snow in Virginia and North Carolina led to hundreds of car accidents • An atmospheric river will bring heavy rain to the Pacific Northwest this weekend.
The Trump administration plans to dramatically cut staff at a key office responsible for dispensing disaster recovery aid. The Office of Community Planning and Development, which is part of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, will be cut to 150 people, down from 936, according to The New York Times. The news follows hundreds of personnel cuts at the Federal Emergency Management Agency, which are expected to hamper disaster relief disbursements and rebuilding efforts around the country. NPR is also reporting that FEMA will no longer weigh in on the development of building codes and has taken its name off recommendations it made under the Biden administration.
A member of the FEMA Urban Search and Rescue Task Force in Asheville, North Carolina after Hurricane Helene.Mario Tama/Getty Images
Occidental CEO Vicki Hollub talked up the opportunity to use carbon captured from the air to get more oil out of the ground during the company’s earnings call this week. Hollub told investors that the use of captured CO2 for enhanced oil recovery would be similar to the shale revolution in unlocking billions of barrels of oil. “There's not enough organic CO2 in the country to be able to flood all the things that we're going to need to flood to get that 50 billion to 70 billion barrels,” she said. “And so taking CO2 out of the atmosphere is a technology that needs to work for the United States.” Hollub didn’t speak to the status of Occidental’s $500 million Department of Energy award to build a direct air capture hub in Texas, but she asserted that “President Trump knows the business case” for subsidizing these projects.
Utility regulators ordered the Chicago utility People’s Gas to scale back its pipeline replacement program on Thursday and only replace the highest-risk infrastructure. The ruling came after a yearlong investigation into the program, which had run over-budget and behind schedule and had yet to reduce pipeline failure rates. At the rate it was going, the program wouldn’t have been completed until 2049, “right around the time that a lot of us think we should be stopping to use the gas system,” Abe Scarr of the Illinois Public Interest Research Group told me in 2023 when the investigation commenced. Scarr applauded Thursday’s ruling, stating that regulators “directed Peoples Gas to run a program that costs less, makes us safer, and facilitates the transition to cleaner energy.”
Xcel Energy, the largest utility in Minnesota, says it will deliver 100% carbon-free electricity to customers in the state five years ahead of the state’s 2040 deadline. The utility’s long-term plan, which Minnesota regulators approved on Thursday, involves shutting down coal plants, extending the life of its two nuclear plants, and building more wind, solar, and batteries, including a pilot program with the heat battery company Rondo Energy. Xcel had originally proposed building six new natural gas plants, but the plan was pared back to building just one that will operate 5% to 10% of the year to meet peak demand. The state’s clean energy law allows Xcel to burn natural gas as long as it also generates enough carbon-free power to cover its customer demand.
The plan is expected to save customers money compared to Xcel’s original proposal, but that calculus includes the tax credits for renewable energy that the Trump administration may or may not kill.
Grok 3, the latest iteration of the artificial intelligence chatbot developed by Elon Musk’s xAI, appears to have been trained to spew climate denial. Andrew Dessler, a climate scientist at Texas A&M University, posed the same question — “Is climate change an urgent threat?” — to the beta version of Grok 3 and to its predecessor Grok 2. Dessler posted screenshots of the two responses on Bluesky. Grok 2 responded, “Yes, climate change is widely regarded by scientists, governments, and international organizations as an urgent threat to the planet,” and went on to provide evidence of climate change and its impacts. Grok 3, meanwhile, said that climate change was “a complex issue.” While “the mainstream scientific consensus…says it's a big deal," the chatbot said, “some argue the urgency is overhyped,” and that climate change is “more of a manageable shift we’re overreacting to.”
U.S. electric vehicle maker Rivian achieved its first quarterly gross profit of $170 million in Q4 of last year, beating expectations.
Conservationists in Wyoming zero in on a vulnerability anti-wind activists are targeting elsewhere: the administration’s species protection efforts.
Wildlife conservationists in Wyoming are asking the Trump administration to block wind projects in their state in the name of protecting eagles from turbine blades.
The Albany County Conservancy, a Wyoming wildlife advocacy group, sent letters on February 11 and 18 to Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, Energy Secretary Chris Wright, and Attorney General Pam Bondi. In the letters, which I obtained, the group asked the Trump officials to do everything in their power to halt Repsol’s Rail Tie and BluEarth’s Two Rivers wind projects, including suspending Two Rivers’ right-of-way from the Bureau of Land Management and even the interconnection grant for Rail Tie’s transmission line.
These letters show for the first time that onshore wind projects are dealing with the same Trump-centric back-channelling influence campaigns we reported advocates and attorneys are waging in the offshore wind permitting space. The letters make some big requests. But the Conservancy is playing the chess game well, zeroing in on a vulnerability other wind opponents are also targeting: the administration’s species protection efforts.
Wyoming is crucial to the survival of golden eagles, a raptor bird species protected under multiple federal laws, including a 1940 conservation statute for golden as well as bald eagles. The state is home to what conservationists say is one of the largest breeding populations for golden eagles. But the species is struggling, with most recorded golden eagle deaths caused by humans. Some of these deaths have been tied directly to wind turbines.
The Rail Tie and Two Rivers projects concern Mike Lockhart, an ex-biologist for the Fish and Wildlife Service with a specialty in eagle conservation. For years Lockhart, who lives in the area and is a plaintiff in the lawsuit, has studied how the wind industry has impacted golden eagles and believes the government severely undercounts how many birds are being hurt by turbine blades.
In order to build in areas with golden eagles, developers need so-called “incidental take” authorizations, e.g. approvals to disturb or accidentally harm the species throughout the course of construction or operation of a wind project. He told me that data he and the Conservancy submitted to regulators shows that golden eagles will die if these wind farms turn on. “I’m a big renewable energy advocate,” he said. “I’m also horrified by what I’m seeing in Wyoming. We really didn’t understand the full scope of what these three-bladed wind turbines mean.”
It’s worth noting that renewable energy industry groups deny wind energy is playing a role in the size of the golden eagle population.
The Interior Department, which oversees the Bureau of Land Management and the incidental take process, declined to comment on the requests. So did BluEarth. Repsol said it was unable to provide a comment by press time.
On his first day in office, President Trump issued an executive order that halted new federal approvals for U.S. wind projects, pending a comprehensive review of the government’s past treatment of the wind industry, including its efforts to protect birds from turbines. Trump’s order claimed there were “various alleged legal deficiencies underlying the federal government’s leasing and permitting of onshore and offshore wind projects, the consequences of which may lead to grave harm – including negative impacts on navigational safety interests, transportation interests, national security interests, commercial interests, and marine mammals.” It also claimed there were “potential inadequacies in various environmental reviews” for wind projects. And indeed, a 2023 Associated Press investigation found federal enforcement in eagle protection laws declined under the Trump 1.0 and Biden administrations, even as wind energy blossomed in the species’ habitat.
As we reported last week, opponents of offshore wind have joined hands with well-connected figures in the conservative legal space to lobby Trump’s team to revoke incidental take authorizations previously issued to offshore wind projects. Doing so would rattle all offshore wind development as well as raise concerns about scientific independence at the issuing agency, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.
As with offshore wind and whales, Wyoming and its eagles offer Trump a situation he wants. In this case, it’s an opportunity to look tough on crime while attacking wind. A Trumpian disruption of the state’s wind sector would also create high profile controversy around what has otherwise been a success story for wind energy growth in a GOP stronghold state.
The Conservancy is represented by William Eubanks, a veteran public interest environmental lawyer who sent the letters on the group’s behalf. Prior to sending the letter, they were already in litigation over Rail Tie’s take approvals and the government permits that followed, providing a potential avenue for regulatory and permitting changes through legal settlement. The Conservancy also warned the Trump team that another lawsuit over Two Rivers could soon be in the offing. One letter stated that officials’ time “would be better spent reevaluating” the project to “ensure compliance with federal law (and President Trump’s Executive Order on wind projects), rather than in federal court.”
Eubanks — who has dedicated his life to fighting various potential industrial impacts to the environment, including fossil fuel pollution — told me that cases against renewable projects are a “really small part” of his firm’s “overall docket.” Eubanks told me he believes climate change must be addressed quickly. “It’s a serious issue, it is here, it is looming, and we need to do something about it,” he said. And he thinks that the nation needs to construct more renewable energy.
Yet Eubanks also says these two wind projects are a perfect example of a “rush through these processes” to get “the green light as soon as possible.” In his view, it’s the same way he’s treated oil and gas projects when fossil-friendly presidents put their own thumbs on the scale.
“We’re not just looking at this as, it’s a solar project or a wind project that gets some sort of ‘green pass,’” Eubanks added. “There’s a difference of opinion in the conservation community … a black or white thinking approach of, if something is a renewable energy project — no matter how poorly sited it is, no matter who poorly analyzed if at all it has been under environmental law — there are some conservation groups who, for better or worse, will just say, we’re not going to get involved in commenting on that or going the extra step of challenging it in court because we have to address the issue of our time: climate change.”
Lockhart told me he knows that the Trump administration is undercutting climate action with its anti-wind position. And he doesn’t like that. “I’m a supporter of green energy and want to do everything possible to reverse climate change,” he told me.
But he sees a silver lining in Trump potentially intervening. “I’m hoping it makes agencies go back and focus on what’s really going on, all the cumulative impacts and everything else.”