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If you’ve read about electric vehicles in the news lately, you know the vibes are bad. Over the past few weeks, the media has fixated on the idea that consumer demand for EVs is “slowing,” “chilling,” or “losing its charge.”
But are sales even slowing? Has federal policy failed to spark the EV transition? Is there any cause for panic? The data shows none of that is true.
The best (and only) quantitative evidence presented for the dominant media narrative is data from Cox Automotive, as presented in a recent Wall Street Journal article, showing that dealers are taking more time and resorting to bigger discounts to move EVs off their lots. That’s true, but does it really indicate that EV sales are “slowing”?
First, this data excludes the space’s biggest player by far — Tesla — as well as other EV-only makers like Rivian who don’t use dealer networks, so this is really a story about traditional automakers (Ford, GM, Volkswagen, etc). And with high interest rates making a new car more costly to finance or lease, dealer discounts are trending steadily upwards for all vehicles in recent months, not just electric models, according to the Cox data.
Second, if we take a look at actual sales data, there’s no sign the growth in EVs is flagging. In fact, sales of battery electric and plug-in hybrid vehicles in the third quarter of 2023 exhibited the strongest year-on-year growth since the fourth quarter of 2021.
Putting aside plug-in hybrids, which have shorter electric range and retain a gasoline engine, sales of purely electric vehicles have been steadily increasing at a roughly 60 percent annual growth rate for each of the last six quarters. That’s fast enough to double EV sales every 14 months!
Overall, year-to-date sales of electric and plug-in hybrid vehicles in the U.S. topped 1 million in September for the first time and are on pace to exceed 1.4 million by year’s end.It’s hard to square the actual data with the bad vibes.
The main story here is not of cooling consumer interest in EVs or a slow-down of the electric transition, but rather the confluence of two other major factors — Tesla’s defensive price war and rising interest rates — which have forced some incumbents to rethink their strategies.
For most of the last decade, Tesla has basically had the EV market to itself. As a result, they priced even their mass-market models, the Model 3 and Model Y, as if they were in competition with Audis and BMWs not Corollas or CRVs. Tesla’s long head start also gave them ample time to bring down manufacturing costs. High price points and falling production costs sent Tesla’s profit margin soaring to a peak of nearly 30% in March 2022, compared to the single digit margins more typical of a high-volume auto manufacturer.
Then, as soon as traditional automakers got serious about the EV business and new start-ups like Rivian and Lucid started scaling, Tesla aggressively slashed prices. The base Model 3 cost over $48,000 last year. Today, it costs around $38,000, a 20% drop. Prices for the Model Y have fallen by a similar magnitude.
Yes, price cuts have eaten into Tesla profitability, but they appear to be an effective defensive weapon that hit their rivals at exactly the same time the Fed was ratcheting up interest rates, substantially increasing the cost of financing or leasing any new vehicle.
In 2021 and 2022, as traditional automakers were launching new flagship EVs, it seemed like they could easily sell every EV they could produce at premium-prices, all while dealers charged big markups.
But just as the market was flooded with new electric offerings, high interest rates made buyers more cost conscious and Tesla’s price cuts took all the fat out of the market. The EV market of 2023 is cutthroat, and aggressive pricing is king.
These shifting market realities seem to have caught several legacy automakers off guard and forced a major refocus on reducing cost of production.
Indeed, if we dive into the data, it’s clear that the ominous headlines about the “slowing” EV market are more a story about Ford and GM in particular, than anything else.
Sales of Ford’s Mach-E have indeed flatlined this year, likely due to competition from Tesla’s now-discounted Model Y. Noting that reducing sticker price on electric vehicles would be their top priority, Ford CEO Jim Farley recently announced adjustments to F-150 Lightning and Mach-E production ramps and delayed some capital spending.
GM’s EV ambitions are stuck in neutral too, but their woes can hardly be attributed to a lack of customer interest. The company is struggling with serious difficulties assembling the Ultium batteries meant to power their next generation of electric SUVs and pickups. As a result, GM shipped only 2,316 of their Cadillac Lyriq crossover and 65 electric GMC Hummers in the first half of this year, a slower pace than 2022. Less than 200 of their Chevy Blazer and Silverado EVs found their way to American homes through September. Amidst these production troubles, GM pushed back the launch of the Chevy Equinox EV and full-scale production of their electric pickups by several months. Meanwhile, sales of the one EV they do have on the market, the affordable Chevy Bolt, are going gangbusters. Unfortunately, GM plans to stop producing the Bolt by year’s end as it focuses on modernizing the venerable model.
(Stellantis, the parent company of Chrysler, Jeep and Ram, has yet to launch any all-electric vehicles in the United States, though their plug-in hybrid Jeeps are selling strongly this year).
Still, contrary to recent headlines, none of the major automakers are scrapping plans for huge investments in electric vehicles. Fresh details on the recent deals struck between the UAW and the Big Three (GM, Ford, and Stellantis) show the automakers all continue to plan multi-billion-dollar investments in new EV factories and models.
“Our commitment to an all-EV future is as strong as ever,” GM CEO Mary Barra told analysts on a conference call last month. The company plans to be 100% electric by 2035.
Ford is “not moving away from our second generation [EV] products,” the company’s CFO also said in October.
Meanwhile, Hyundai Motor Group (parent to Hyundai, Kia, and Genesis brands) continues to launch new electric models and its executives told investors the company isn’t pausing EV plans as they “believe EV sales will grow longer term.” In fact, the Korean auto group vaulted ahead of GM and Ford to snag the #2 spot for total U.S. EV sales this year.
Volvo’s electric sales more than doubled over the past year to reach 13% of total sales for the brand, and the company reported a healthy 9% profit margin on its electric models.
Upstart Rivian is going strong too. Sales of its R1 series tripled over the last year, and the firm just increased its 2023 production estimates by 4 percent to 54,000 vehicles as it continues to move towards profitability with a focus on reducing costs and ramping up production.
The upshot of all this is that EVs are getting more affordable, which is the key to future growth. Prices are falling. Dealer markups are gone. And the price of an average EV in September was $50,683 (before tax credits), barely higher than the average for all new vehicles ($48,000).
In January, the personal EV tax credit will be available to buyers at the point of sale for the first time too, effectively turning it into a rebate. Already, intense competition is forcing dealers to pass the credit through as a down payment that cuts the monthly cost of leasing a $40,000 EV nearly in half.
Next year will also see the more affordable Volvo EX30 and Chevy Equinox EV hit the market, joining the Tesla Model 3, Hyundai Kona, and Kia Niro and Ioniq 6 in the under $40k segment.
In 2024, Tesla’s extensive Supercharger network will also open up to non-Teslas, virtually all automakers will adopt NACS chargers natively in model year 2025 vehicles and beyond, and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law’s National Electric Vehicle Infrastructure grants will finally start to flow in earnest to build out chargers.
So while Ford and GM are facing real challenges, the overall state of the electric vehicle market is healthy.
As GM’s Barra said: “As we get further into the transformation to EV, it's a bit bumpy.” But that doesnt mean the journey is slowing. Sales of EVs keep growing rapidly, new models are expanding the market, and competition is making it all more affordable. Doesn’t that deserve some good vibes for a change?
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A renewables project runs into trouble — and wins.
It turns out that in order to get a wind farm approved in Trump’s America, you have to treat the project like a local election. One developer working in North Dakota showed the blueprint.
Earlier this year, we chronicled the Longspur wind project, a 200-megawatt project in North Dakota that would primarily feed energy west to Minnesota. In Morton County where it would be built, local zoning officials seemed prepared to reject the project – a significant turn given the region’s history of supporting wind energy development. Based on testimony at the zoning hearing about Longspur, it was clear this was because there’s already lots of turbines spinning in Morton County and there was a danger of oversaturation that could tip one of the few friendly places for wind power against its growth. Longspur is backed by Allete, a subsidiary of Minnesota Power, and is supposed to help the utility meet its decarbonization targets.
Except by the time the zoning officials’ decision came before the full county commission, the winds were once again blowing at Longspur’s back and county officials denied the denial. Then a few weeks later, the zoning board reconsidered Longspur and opted to approve it. Now Longspur has the permits it needs from the county.
“They have the right to put the towers on their land,” Morton County commission vice chair Jackie Buckley told me. “And Longspur has crossed their Ts and dotted their Is.”
I investigated what happened here and it turns out, Allete saw what happened at the hearing and worked extremely hard to bring supporters out when the zoning officials’ decision came before the full Morton County commission. They brought with them a bevy of landowners with a future Longspur turbine sited on their property to speak, so many that it severely outnumbered the opposition. One after another, residents spoke out against the anti-wind naysayers, a phenomenon I rarely see in fights over renewable energy projects in the United States. One resident called the wind turbines “a windfall” that was ensuring their family’s “retirement plans.” Another compared it to neighbors denying a farm the right to build a barn. Multiple people said if coal mining could happen in Morton County, why couldn’t wind?
“We just tried to understand, even internally. We asked, ‘Why didn’t we have more proponents speaking?’” Todd Simmons, Allete’s vice president of generation operations, told me in an interview this week about the project’s initial rejection. He said after the initial zoning rejection, the company then went door to door asking supporters to come testify. “We tried to make sure that landowners knew that you may have to show up and be more than present. We wanted a civil meeting, and we did not want an argumentative meeting, [but] they were not coached.”
Candidly, this style of outreach reminds me a lot of door-to-door campaign canvassing and a well-worn phrase in professional politics: it all comes down to turnout. And Allete treated the situation that way, telling me that the initial rejection to them was because of an absence, not conflict. “When the folks who were anti- spoke, and the rest of the crowd did not say anything, there was a belief that silence was [an] agreement by the rest,” Simmons told me.
Buckley told me that some of these supporters were actually at the zoning hearing too, but did not want to speak up because “they wouldn’t talk against their neighbor.” Out in rural communities like Morton County, “they all know each other – it’s all one neighborhood community.” In the end, the county commission felt it couldn’t deny people’s property rights, let alone invite whatever legal ramifications would arrive from denying the project in spite of the support from these property owners. “I think it had to do more with private property rights and the people that were in favor of it have property rights, same as do the people in opposition,” Simmons said.
I think there’s an important conclusion to be drawn from what happened in Morton County for any renewable energy project developer out there dealing with local opposition. Too often I watch and listen to local permitting hearings where the dissenting voices are the only ones raised. There are obvious risks for anyone in a small community who does speak up, as I’ve heard of threats against people who come out in support of a project, from anti-renewables homeowners. But it’s clear from what happened to Longspur there is strength in numbers when supporters are mobilized to speak up.
Allete told me they saw an education in the Longspur permitting process too. “It doesn’t matter where you’re building,” SImmons said. “Working with the landowners, and the public agencies…. The sooner you can help them understand what the project is actually about, the better you are.”
On MARVEL’s market, a climate retraction, and Eavor’s geothermal milestone
Current conditions: A nor’easter dumping as much as a foot of snow on parts of the Upper Midwest is set to dust New York City on its way to deliver heavier snow to northern New England • Temperatures nearly topped 90 degrees Fahrenheit in Charlotte Amalie, U.S. Virgin Islands, as America’s third-most populous overseas territory endures a record December heatwave • South Australia, Victoria, and Tasmania are all under severe fire warnings.
It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of smashing solar installation records, it was the age of phasing out the federal tax credits that so successfully spurred the boom in the first place. The United States added 2 gigawatts of utility-scale solar in September, bringing the total installed this year to 21 gigawatts. That, as Utility Dive noted of newly released Federal Energy Regulatory Commission data, is slightly above the 20 gigawatts installed in the same period last year. Of the 28 gigawatts of new generation the U.S. installed so far in 2025, 75% was solar, followed by wind at 13% and gas at 11%. Still, natural gas makes up the largest share of the U.S. grid’s electricity capacity, with 42% compared to the combined 31% that wind, solar, and hydro comprise. And the picture isn’t getting better. As Heatmap’s Jael Holzman wrote yesterday, the solar industry is “begging Congress for help with Trump.”

For the past four years, the Department of Energy has been developing its very own microreactor. The Microreactor Application Research Validation and Evaluation, or MARVEL, is a 10-kilowatt, liquid-metal cooled microreactor currently under construction at the Idaho National Laboratory. On Thursday, the lab unveiled the “first potential end users for MARVEL,” including Amazon Web Services, energy equipment giant GE Vernova, oil giant ConocoPhillips, and the data center operator DCX. “With access to MARVEL, companies can explore how microreactors will potentially help us win the global AI race, solve water challenges, and so much more,” John Jackson, national technical director for the microreactor program at the Energy Department’s Office of Nuclear Energy, told Power magazine. “The MARVEL testbed exemplifies how nuclear energy can open the door to a stronger, safer and more prosperous future for our country.”
It’s part of the strides the Trump administration has taken on nuclear power recently. Earlier this week, as I wrote here, the Energy Department awarded $400 million each to two small modular reactor projects aiming to build the first lower-powered versions of third-generation units based on the light water reactors already in operation today. Last month, as I covered in this newsletter, the agency put up a $1 billion loan to fund the restart of the working reactor at the Pennsylvania plant once known as Three Mile Island. There is, after all, what Heatmap’s Katie Brigham called a very “real” nuclear dealmaking boom afoot.
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The prestigious journal Nature has retracted a study published last year that concluded that climate change would cause a catastrophic drop in economic output of 62% by the end of the century, a jarring finding taken so seriously that central banks worked the warning into risk-assessment models. But a team of economists noticed an error in data from Uzbekistan. Excluding the Central Asian republic from the calculation pegged the predicted plunge in economic activity at 23%. That doesn’t mean climate change isn’t an economic threat, as the papers detractors noted to The New York Times. “Most people for the last decade have thought that a 20% reduction in 2100 was an insanely large number,” said Solomon Hsiang, a professor of global environmental policy at Stanford University who in August co-wrote the critique of the original study. “So the fact that this paper is coming out saying 60% is off the chart.”
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The advocacy group Rewiring America is out with an interesting new thought experiment on the potential benefits of making the country’s households more energy efficient as a means of clearing space on the grid for data centers. Upgrading U.S. houses, condos, and apartments with efficient appliances, solar panels, and batteries could create enough capacity to meet the rising electricity demand of large data centers over the next five years. Doing so would create more than 600,000 jobs for carpenters, electricians, and others involved in the supply chain. Virtual power plants — software systems that allow utilities to pay homeowners for the right to tap into rooftop solar panels, batteries, plugged-in electric vehicles, and smart thermostats to balance the grid — are, advocates say, emerging as a potential source of large-scale power that can be harnessed in the next few years, a timescale relevant to many data center projects that are expected to complete construction before new power plants can come online.
Back in October, I told you the next-generation geothermal startup Eavor was on the brink of completing its first power plant south of Munich, Germany. Now the Calgary-based company has entered into commercial operation. Eavor officially delivered its first electrons to the German grid from its facility in Geretsried. Eavor hailed the milestone as proof not just of its potential to operate a generating plant but a victory for its in-house drilling technology designed to carve a closed-loop well deep underground. “With Geretsried now on-stream, we’re more confident than ever that our closed-loop geothermal system, designed for adaptability and suited to the world’s diverse regions, will secure its place as the leading solution for commercial geothermal application,” CEO Mark Fitzgerald said in a statement. It’s not the only geothermal startup making waves. As I wrote in yesterday’s newsletter, Zanskar, the Salt Lake City-based company using artificial intelligence to find new conventional geothermal resources, just claimed one of the biggest discoveries in the U.S. in more than 30 years.
You may also recall another newsletter from October where I told you that all Trump’s nominees to serve on the board of the Tennessee Valley Authority vowed to stand against privatizing the federally-owned utility, easing fears that the president’s recent boardroom meddling wasn’t an attempt at selling off the power provider on which more than 10 million Americans depend for cheap electricity. If you agree with analyses showing public ownership as the best way to keep prices down, then I have good news for you. When businessman and Republican megadonor Lee Beaman came before the Senate for a confirmation Wednesday, the nominee for the board said his preference for private enterprise came with an exception for the TVA. “Although I generally believe that the private sector is more efficient than government, in the case of TVA, I think TVA is more uniquely, appropriately operated as a government entity,” Beaman told the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, per E&E News.
A letter from the Solar Energy Industries Association describes the administration’s “nearly complete moratorium on permitting.”
A major solar energy trade group now says the Trump administration is refusing to do even routine work to permit solar projects on private lands — and that the situation has become so dire for the industry, lawmakers discussing permitting reform in Congress should intervene.
The Solar Energy Industries Association on Thursday published a letter it sent to top congressional leaders of both parties asserting that a July memo from Interior Secretary Doug Burgum mandating “elevated” review for renewables project decisions instead resulted in “a nearly complete moratorium on permitting for any project in which the Department of Interior may play a role, on both federal and private land, no matter how minor.” The letter was signed by more than 140 solar companies, including large players EDF Power Solutions, RES, and VDE Americas.
The letter reinforces a theme underlying much of Heatmap’s coverage since the memo’s release — that the bureaucratic freeze against solar decision-making has stretched far beyond final permits to processes once considered ancillary. It also confirms that the enhanced review has jammed up offices outside Burgum’s purview, such as the Army Corps of Engineers, which oversees wetlands, water crossings, and tree removals, and requires Interior to sign off on actions through the interagency consultation process.
SEIA’s letter asserts that the impacts of Burgum’s memo stretch even to projects on private lands seeking Interior’s assistance to determine whether federally protected species are even present — meaning that regardless of whether endangered animals or flowers are there, companies are now taking on an outsized legal risk by moving forward with any kind of development.
After listing out these impacts in its letter, SEIA asked Congress to pressure Interior into revoking the July memo in its entirety. The trade group added there may be things Interior could do besides revoking the memo that would amount to “reasonable steps” in the “short-term to prevent unnecessary delays in energy development that is currently poised to help meet the growing energy demands of AI and other industries.” SEIA did not elaborate on what those actions would look like in its letter.
“Businesses need certainty in order to continue making investments in the United States to build out much-needed energy projects,” SEIA’s letter reads. “Certainty must include a review process that does not discriminate by energy source.” It concludes: “We urge Congress to keep fairness and certainty at the center of permitting negotiations.”
Notably, the letter arrived after American Clean Power — another major trade group representing renewable energy companies — backed a major GOP-authored permitting bill called the SPEED Act that is moving through the House. Although the bill has some bipartisan support from the most moderate wing of the House Democratic caucus, it has yet to win support from Democrats involved in bipartisan permitting talks, including Representative Scott Peters, who told me he’d back the bill only if Trump were prevented from stalling federal decision-making for renewable energy projects.
SEIA has deliberately set itself apart from ACP in this regard, telling me last week that it was neutral on the legislation as it stands. In a statement released with the letter to Congress, the trade group’s CEO, Abigail Ross Hopper, said that while “the solar industry values the continued bipartisan engagement on permitting reform, the SPEED Act, as passed out of committee, falls short of addressing this core problem: the ongoing permitting moratorium.”
“To be clear, there is no question we need permitting reform,” Hopper stated. “There is an agreement to be reached, and SEIA and our 1,200 member companies will continue our months-long effort to advocate for a deal that ensures equal treatment of all energy sources, because the current status of this blockade is unsustainable.”
In a statement to Heatmap News, Interior spokesperson Alyse Sharpe confirmed the agency is using its “current review process” on “federal resources, permits or consultations” related to solar projects on “federal, state or private lands.” “This policy strengthens accountability, prevents misuse of taxpayer-funded subsidies and upholds our commitment to restoring balance in energy development.” The agency declined to comment on SEIA’s request to Congress, though. “We don’t provide comment on correspondence to Congress regarding Interior issues via the media,” Sharpe said.