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Starting April 18, fewer EVs will be eligible for the new $7,500 tax credits unveiled last year.

If you’ve been considering a new electric vehicle or hybrid these past few months, and you think you’ve gotten a pretty good handle on how the revised EV tax credits work, the U.S. Treasury Department and the IRS have an unspoken message for you: Do it soon. The rules are about to change.
Again.
Today, federal officials announced changes to the EV tax credit plan around minerals and batteries. As esoteric and complicated as it sounds (and in fact, is) the headline for prospective buyers is that starting April 18, fewer EVs will be eligible for the new $7,500 tax credits unveiled last year as part of President Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act.
In short, these changes are being made today to guarantee that the full $7,500 EV tax credit goes toward not just cars built in North America, but cars containing battery components made on this continent as well. Moreover, it seeks to guarantee that certain critical minerals in those batteries come from countries with which the United States has a free trade agreement. Each requirement is worth up to $3,750.
Granted, “Where are your minerals from?” doesn’t quite have the same ring as “How much horsepower are you putting down?” to car aficionados. But these changes to the EV tax credits will reverberate through the car market and the entire auto industry.
In the short term, this means fewer EVs will qualify for the tax credits, even if they are made in North America. But in the longer term, it could create a major battery ecosystem here as well.
It’s worth keeping in mind the two car-related goals of the IRA when you consider these changes. One was to reduce carbon emissions by modernizing the EV tax credit scheme and spurring wider electric car adoption (which the incentives seem to be doing).
The other goal is to build a localized, North America-centric supply chain for batteries and EVs so that China — a peer state with whom U.S. tensions are quickly rising — cannot dominate the industry. Given China’s own aggressive EV industry push, things were certainly trending that way before.
“We need to build a clean energy supply chain that is not dependent on China,” a senior Treasury official said on a press call with reporters on Thursday. The official said that the revised guidance will reduce the number of vehicles that qualify in the short term, but will create incentives to bring supply chains and manufacturing to the U.S. These requirements will significantly increase the number of EVs made in North America over the next decade, officials believe, with more qualifying over the next decade than under the admittedly outdated pre-IRA policy.
The clear downside to all of this is that it could mean fewer EV sales for now if more cars lose the full $7,500 credit. That decision does run counter to the IRA’s goals of cutting car emissions, and it could dampen the hopes of car companies looking to make big EV product pushes in the coming years. Battery plants and mineral processing facilities will likely take years to get up and running. Ford, for example, is building a $3.5 billion Michigan battery plant but it isn’t projected to start making batteries until 2026.
As a result, some urgency may be warranted for EV buyers who want to take advantage of the full $7,500 tax credit. Until April 18, those rules mean that regardless of battery sourcing or minerals, cars like the Tesla Model 3, Chevrolet Bolt, Ford F-150 Lightning, Mustang Mach-E, Volkswagen ID.4, and multiple U.S.-made hybrids from BMW, Audi, and Volvo qualify for some or all of those credits, depending on the car’s price and the buyer’s income.
But automakers have said, correctly, that it takes years to set up local EV production, not to mention the local battery manufacturing and approved mineral sourcing. Hyundai and Kia, for example, make stellar EVs but they are made in South Korea, so they will no longer qualify for any EV tax credits — much to those automakers’ vocal chagrin. Other automakers may make their EVs locally but don’t meet the mineral sourcing requirements after April 18.
Moreover, the battery component requirement increases every year. Starting this year, to secure $3,750 of the tax credit — half of $7,500 — 50% of the battery components must be manufactured or assembled in North America. That rises 10% each year until 2029 when the battery must be entirely made on this continent to qualify for the full tax credit.
(Furthermore, starting next year, no EV will be eligible for any tax credit if its battery was made by “a foreign entity of concern,” which generally refers to China; in many ways, this cuts China’s battery industry out of the American auto supply chain because car companies won’t sacrifice their tax incentives to competitors just to use Chinese batteries.)
So what does this mean for car prices, exactly? That’s the tricky part. As with past changes to the IRA, it’s hard to say right now — automakers are currently sourcing batteries from a variety of places as they seek to ramp up local production.
Heatmap reached out to multiple automakers to determine if their car prices would be impacted.
General Motors indicated it’s waiting to learn more from the federal government before making a determination. “We believe GM is well-positioned because we were already actively pursuing opportunities to localize as much of the supply chain as possible,” a GM spokesperson said.
Ford thanked the Biden administration in an upbeat note from its CEO Jim Farley for clarifying the “important details” of the IRA. “Ford continues to accelerate our investment in America thanks to this important policy initiative,” Farley said, noting Ford would help its customers understand their eligibility for the tax credits.
In a statement sent to Heatmap, Volvo said it was reviewing the rules but remains “concerned that the consumer tax credit is overly complex and contains several immediate limitations.” It also pushed for a trade agreement with the European Union, saying “open markets and overall free trade policies lead to an increase in global economic prosperity, innovation, and higher living standards for people around the world.”
Officials from Toyota did not return a request for comment. (Toyota further declined to comment on the effects of a new trade deal on EV battery minerals signed between Japan and the U.S. this week that could potentially impact some of its cars.)
Federal officials said that on April 18, a revised list of eligible vehicles will be posted to FuelEconomy.gov, and it will also include the amount of credit available.
But that’s still a few weeks away. EV and hybrid buyers may do well to make a purchase before the rules change — that is, if they can find a car to buy. Many new EVs remain tough to find thanks to supply chain challenges and are on average pricier than ICE counterparts.
The answer is clear: Like a Mustang Mach-E using launch control, move fast before things change.
This article was updated at 10:55AM ET on March 31, 2023.
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According to a new analysis shared exclusively with Heatmap, coal’s equipment-related outage rate is about twice as high as wind’s.
The Trump administration wants “beautiful clean coal” to return to its place of pride on the electric grid because, it says, wind and solar are just too unreliable. “If we want to keep the lights on and prevent blackouts from happening, then we need to keep our coal plants running. Affordable, reliable and secure energy sources are common sense,” Chris Wright said on X in July, in what has become a steady drumbeat from the administration that has sought to subsidize coal and put a regulatory straitjacket around solar and (especially) wind.
This has meant real money spent in support of existing coal plants. The administration’s emergency order to keep Michigan’s J.H. Campbell coal plant open (“to secure grid reliability”), for example, has cost ratepayers served by Michigan utility Consumers Energy some $80 million all on its own.
But … how reliable is coal, actually? According to an analysis by the Environmental Defense Fund of data from the North American Electric Reliability Corporation, a nonprofit that oversees reliability standards for the grid, coal has the highest “equipment-related outage rate” — essentially, the percentage of time a generator isn’t working because of some kind of mechanical or other issue related to its physical structure — among coal, hydropower, natural gas, nuclear, and wind. Coal’s outage rate was over 12%. Wind’s was about 6.6%.
“When EDF’s team isolated just equipment-related outages, wind energy proved far more reliable than coal, which had the highest outage rate of any source NERC tracks,” EDF told me in an emailed statement.
Coal’s reliability has, in fact, been decreasing, Oliver Chapman, a research analyst at EDF, told me.
NERC has attributed this falling reliability to the changing role of coal in the energy system. Reliability “negatively correlates most strongly to capacity factor,” or how often the plant is running compared to its peak capacity. The data also “aligns with industry statements indicating that reduced investment in maintenance and abnormal cycling that are being adopted primarily in response to rapid changes in the resource mix are negatively impacting baseload coal unit performance.” In other words, coal is struggling to keep up with its changing role in the energy system. That’s due not just to the growth of solar and wind energy, which are inherently (but predictably) variable, but also to natural gas’s increasing prominence on the grid.
“When coal plants are having to be a bit more varied in their generation, we're seeing that wear and tear of those plants is increasing,” Chapman said. “The assumption is that that's only going to go up in future years.”
The issue for any plan to revitalize the coal industry, Chapman told me, is that the forces driving coal into this secondary role — namely the economics of running aging plants compared to natural gas and renewables — do not seem likely to reverse themselves any time soon.
Coal has been “sort of continuously pushed a bit more to the sidelines by renewables and natural gas being cheaper sources for utilities to generate their power. This increased marginalization is going to continue to lead to greater wear and tear on these plants,” Chapman said.
But with electricity demand increasing across the country, coal is being forced into a role that it might not be able to easily — or affordably — play, all while leading to more emissions of sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxide, particulate matter, mercury, and, of course, carbon dioxide.
The coal system has been beset by a number of high-profile outages recently, including at the largest new coal plant in the country, Sandy Creek in Texas, which could be offline until early 2027, according to the Texas energy market ERCOT and the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis.
In at least one case, coal’s reliability issues were cited as a reason to keep another coal generating unit open past its planned retirement date.
Last month, Colorado Representative Will Hurd wrote a letter to the Department of Energy asking for emergency action to keep Unit 2 of the Comanche coal plant in Pueblo, Colorado open past its scheduled retirement at the end of his year. Hurd cited “mechanical and regulatory constraints” for the larger Unit 3 as a justification for keeping Unit 2 open, to fill in the generation gap left by the larger unit. In a filing by Xcel and several Colorado state energy officials also requesting delaying the retirement of Unit 2, they disclosed that the larger Unit 3 “experienced an unplanned outage and is offline through at least June 2026.”
Reliability issues aside, high electricity demand may turn into short-term profits at all levels of the coal industry, from the miners to the power plants.
At the same time the Trump administration is pushing coal plants to stay open past their scheduled retirement, the Energy Information Administration is forecasting that natural gas prices will continue to rise, which could lead to increased use of coal for electricity generation. The EIA forecasts that the 2025 average price of natural gas for power plants will rise 37% from 2024 levels.
Analysts at S&P Global Commodity Insights project “a continued rebound in thermal coal consumption throughout 2026 as thermal coal prices remain competitive with short-term natural gas prices encouraging gas-to-coal switching,” S&P coal analyst Wendy Schallom told me in an email.
“Stronger power demand, rising natural gas prices, delayed coal retirements, stockpiles trending lower, and strong thermal coal exports are vital to U.S. coal revival in 2025 and 2026.”
And we’re all going to be paying the price.
Rural Marylanders have asked for the president’s help to oppose the data center-related development — but so far they haven’t gotten it.
A transmission line in Maryland is pitting rural conservatives against Big Tech in a way that highlights the growing political sensitivities of the data center backlash. Opponents of the project want President Trump to intervene, but they’re worried he’ll ignore them — or even side with the data center developers.
The Piedmont Reliability Project would connect the Peach Bottom nuclear plant in southern Pennsylvania to electricity customers in northern Virginia, i.e.data centers, most likely. To get from A to B, the power line would have to criss-cross agricultural lands between Baltimore, Maryland and the Washington D.C. area.
As we chronicle time and time again in The Fight, residents in farming communities are fighting back aggressively – protesting, petitioning, suing and yelling loudly. Things have gotten so tense that some are refusing to let representatives for Piedmont’s developer, PSEG, onto their properties, and a court battle is currently underway over giving the company federal marshal protection amid threats from landowners.
Exacerbating the situation is a quirk we don’t often deal with in The Fight. Unlike energy generation projects, which are usually subject to local review, transmission sits entirely under the purview of Maryland’s Public Service Commission, a five-member board consisting entirely of Democrats appointed by current Governor Wes Moore – a rumored candidate for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination. It’s going to be months before the PSC formally considers the Piedmont project, and it likely won’t issue a decision until 2027 – a date convenient for Moore, as it’s right after he’s up for re-election. Moore last month expressed “concerns” about the project’s development process, but has brushed aside calls to take a personal position on whether it should ultimately be built.
Enter a potential Trump card that could force Moore’s hand. In early October, commissioners and state legislators representing Carroll County – one of the farm-heavy counties in Piedmont’s path – sent Trump a letter requesting that he intervene in the case before the commission. The letter followed previous examples of Trump coming in to kill planned projects, including the Grain Belt Express transmission line and a Tennessee Valley Authority gas plant in Tennessee that was relocated after lobbying from a country rock musician.
One of the letter’s lead signatories was Kenneth Kiler, president of the Carroll County Board of Commissioners, who told me this lobbying effort will soon expand beyond Trump to the Agriculture and Energy Departments. He’s hoping regulators weigh in before PJM, the regional grid operator overseeing Mid-Atlantic states. “We’re hoping they go to PJM and say, ‘You’re supposed to be managing the grid, and if you were properly managing the grid you wouldn’t need to build a transmission line through a state you’re not giving power to.’”
Part of the reason why these efforts are expanding, though, is that it’s been more than a month since they sent their letter, and they’ve heard nothing but radio silence from the White House.
“My worry is that I think President Trump likes and sees the need for data centers. They take a lot of water and a lot of electric [power],” Kiler, a Republican, told me in an interview. “He’s conservative, he values property rights, but I’m not sure that he’s not wanting data centers so badly that he feels this request is justified.”
Kiler told me the plan to kill the transmission line centers hinges on delaying development long enough that interest rates, inflation and rising demand for electricity make it too painful and inconvenient to build it through his resentful community. It’s easy to believe the federal government flexing its muscle here would help with that, either by drawing out the decision-making or employing some other as yet unforeseen stall tactic. “That’s why we’re doing this second letter to the Secretary of Agriculture and Secretary of Energy asking them for help. I think they may be more sympathetic than the president,” Kiler said.
At the moment, Kiler thinks the odds of Piedmont’s construction come down to a coin flip – 50-50. “They’re running straight through us for data centers. We want this project stopped, and we’ll fight as well as we can, but it just seems like ultimately they’re going to do it,” he confessed to me.
Thus is the predicament of the rural Marylander. On the one hand, Kiler’s situation represents a great opportunity for a GOP president to come in and stand with his base against a would-be presidential candidate. On the other, data center development and artificial intelligence represent one of the president’s few economic bright spots, and he has dedicated copious policy attention to expanding growth in this precise avenue of the tech sector. It’s hard to imagine something less “energy dominance” than killing a transmission line.
The White House did not respond to a request for comment.
Plus more of the week’s most important fights around renewable energy.
1. Wayne County, Nebraska – The Trump administration fined Orsted during the government shutdown for allegedly killing bald eagles at two of its wind projects, the first indications of financial penalties for energy companies under Trump’s wind industry crackdown.
2. Ocean County, New Jersey – Speaking of wind, I broke news earlier this week that one of the nation’s largest renewable energy projects is now deceased: the Leading Light offshore wind project.
3. Dane County, Wisconsin – The fight over a ginormous data center development out here is turning into perhaps one of the nation’s most important local conflicts over AI and land use.
4. Hardeman County, Texas – It’s not all bad news today for renewable energy – because it never really is.