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Electric Vehicles

Trump’s Big Pivot to Gasoline

The rollback of fuel efficiency rules is here.

Donald Trump and auto executives.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

The Trump administration has started to weaken the rules requiring cars and trucks to get more fuel-efficient every year.

In a press event on Wednesday in the Oval Office, flanked by advisors and some of the country’s top auto executives, President Trump declared that the old rules “forced automakers to build cars using expensive technologies that drove up costs, drove up prices, and made the car much worse.”

He said that the rules were part of the “green new scam” and that ditching them would save consumers some $1,000 every year. That framed the rollback as part of the president’s seeming pivot to affordability, which has happened since Democrats trounced Republicans in the November off-cycle elections.

That pivot remains belated and at least a little half-hearted: On Wednesday, Trump made no mention of dropping the auto tariffs that are raising imported car prices by perhaps $5,000 per vehicle, according to Cox Automotive. Ditching the fuel economy rules, too, could increase demand for gasoline and thus raise prices at the pump — although they remain fairly low right now, with the national average below $3 a gallon.

What’s more interesting — and worrying — is that the rules fit into the administration’s broader war on innovation in the American car and light-duty truck sector.

The United States essentially has two ways to regulate pollution from cars and light trucks: It can limit greenhouse gas emissions from new cars and trucks, and it can require the fuel economy from new vehicles to get a little better every year.

Trump is pulling screws and wires out of both of these systems. In the first category, he’s begun to unwind the Environmental Protection Agency’s limits on carbon pollution from cars and light duty trucks, which he termed an “EV mandate.” (The Biden-era rules sought to require about half of new car sales be electric by 2030, although hybrids could help meet that standard.) Trump is also trying to keep the EPA from ever regulating anything to do with carbon pollution again by going after the agency’s “Endangerment Finding” — a scientific assessment that greenhouse gases are dangerous to human wellbeing.

That’s only half of the president’s war on air pollution rules, though. Since the oil crises of the 1970s, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration has regulated fuel economy for new vehicles under the Corporate Average Fuel Economy, or CAFE, standards. When these rules are binding, the agency can require new cars and trucks sold in the U.S. to get a little more fuel-efficient every year. The idea is that these rules help limit the country’s gasoline consumption, thus keeping a lid on oil prices and letting the whole economy run more efficiently.

President Trump’s signature tax law, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, already eliminated the fines that automakers have to pay when they fail to meet the standard. That change, pushed by Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, effectively rendered the regulation toothless. But now Trump is weakening the rules just for good measure. (At the press conference on Wednesday, Cruz stood behind the president — and next to Jim Farley, the CEO of Ford.)

Under the new Trump proposal, automakers would need to achieve only an average of 34.5 miles per gallon in 2031. Under Biden’s proposal, they needed to hit 50 miles per gallon that year.

Those numbers, I should add, are somewhat deceptive — because of how CAFE standards are calculated, the headline number is 20% to 30% stricter than a real-world fuel economy number. In essence, that means the new Trump era rules will come out to a real-world mile-per-gallon number in the mid-to-high 20s. That will give automakers ample regulatory room to sell more inefficient and gas-guzzling sport utility vehicles and pickups, which remain more profitable than electric vehicles.

Which is not ideal for air pollution or the energy transition. But the real risk for the American automaking industry is not that Ford might churn out a few extra Escapes over the next several years. It’s that the Trump proposal would eliminate the ability for automakers to trade compliance credits to meet the rules. These credit markets — which allow manufacturers of gas guzzlers to redeem themselves by buying credits generated by cleaner cars — have been a valuable revenue source for new vehicle companies like Tesla, Lucid, and Rivian. The Trump proposal would cut off that revenue — and with it, one of the few remaining ways that automakers are cross-subsidizing EV innovation in the United States.

During his campaign, President Trump said that he wanted the “cleanest air.” That promise is looking as incorrect as his pledge to cut electricity costs in half within a year.

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AM Briefing

Blowback

On DAC delays, Cuba’s minerals, and Volkswagen’s margins

Donald Trump.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

Current conditions: A series of tornadoes has flattened entire neighborhoods in central and southern Mississippi, causing what one pastor called “just total devastation” • The heat index across the northern half of the Philippines’ main island of Luzon could feel as high as 122 degrees Fahrenheit, raising the risk of heat stroke • There will be some hot moms in Phoenix this weekend when temperatures in Arizona’s sprawling capital top 108 degrees on Mother’s Day.


THE TOP FIVE

1. Trump is sentencing the wind industry to death by a thousand cuts

President Donald Trump’s attempts to kill the offshore wind industry through regulatory fiat have largely failed to hold up in court. But as the administration finds new success in paying off developers to abandon ocean leases for seaward turbines, it’s attempting the original playbook now on the onshore wind sector, holding up more than 150 projects by refusing to give out once-routine approvals from the Department of Defense. That includes projects that are nowhere near military bases or defense-related infrastructure, and comes despite the fact that U.S. policymakers across the political spectrum agree we need to bring as much new power online as quickly as we can to meet booming demand from data centers and electrification. “This is the strategy for how you kill an industry while losing every case: just keep coming at the industry,” an energy lawyer told Heatmap’s Jael Holzman. “Create an uninvestable climate and let the chips fall where they may.” In other words: The bombardments may fail, but the siege can win..

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And more of the week’s top news around development conflicts.

The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. Benton County, Washington – The bellwether for Trump’s apparent freeze on new wind might just be a single project in Washington State: the Horse Heaven wind farm.

  • Intrepid Fight readers should remember that late last year Rep. Dan Newhouse, an influential Republican in the U.S. House, called on the FAA to revoke its “no hazard” airspace determinations for Horse Heaven, claiming potential impacts to commercial airspace and military training routes.
  • Publicly it’s all been crickets since then with nothing from the FAA or the project developer, Scout Clean Energy. Except… as I was reporting on the lead story this week, I discovered a representative for Scout Clean Energy filed in January and March for a raft of new airspace determinations for the turbine towers.
  • There is no public record of whether or not the previous FAA decisions were revoked and the FAA declined to comment on the matter. Scout Clean Energy did not respond to a request for comment on whether there had been any setbacks with the agency or if the company would still be pursuing new wind projects amidst these broader federal airspace issues. It’s worth noting that Scout Clean Energy had already reduced the number of towers for the project while making them taller.
  • Horse Heaven is fully permitted by Washington state but those approvals are under litigation. The Washington Supreme Court in June will hear arguments brought by surrounding residents and the Yakima Nation against allowing construction.

2. Box Elder County, Utah – The big data center fight of the week was the Kevin O’Leary-backed project in the middle of the Utah desert. But what actually happened?

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Q&A

What the ‘Eco Right’ Wants from Permitting Reform

A conversation with Nick Loris of C3 Solutions

The Fight Q&A subject.
Heatmap Illustration

This week’s conversation is with Nick Loris, head of the conservative policy organization C3 Solutions. I wanted to chat with Loris about how he and others in the so-called “eco right” are approaching the data center boom. For years, groups like C3 have occupied a mercurial, influential space in energy policy – their ideas and proposals can filter out into Congress and state legislation while shaping the perspectives of Republican politicians who want to seem on the cutting edge of energy and the environment. That’s why I took note when in late April, Loris and other right-wing energy wonks dropped a set of “consumer-first” proposals on transmission permitting reform geared toward addressing energy demand rising from data center development. So I’m glad Loris was available to lay out his thoughts with me for the newsletter this week.

The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.

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