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The U.S.-Israeli campaign will have, if anything, bigger implications for liquified natural gas.

The world’s second largest exporter of liquified natural gas is off the market. Qatar’s state-owned energy company announced Monday morning that its LNG production and export operations were halting “due to military attacks on QatarEnergy’s operating facilities,” including the Raf Laffan plant, which accounts for about 20% of global LNG supplies, according to Bloomberg.
This is very good news for U.S. LNG exporters and very bad news for anyone who’s in the market for seaborne natural gas imports.
Exports from Qatar largely go to Asia, with China as the dominant buyer, according to data from the investment bank Jefferies. Qatar has been exporting LNG since 1996, and is the world’s second largest exporter behind the United States, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.
Even before the strikes on Qatar’s natural gas infrastructure, all traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, the vital waterway linking Gulf oil and gas production to the rest of the world, had “effectively ceased for the time being” due to insurers withdrawing from the market and reports of some ships being attacked, according to the energy consulting firm Wood Mackenzie.
But the Strait of Hormuz only connects the Persian Gulf to the Arabian Sea. Its closure does nothing to obstruct passage through, say, the Sabine Pass, which connects Sabine Lake to the Gulf of Mexico, and is the heart of the U.S. LNG industry. With natural gas prices already shooting up, U.S. exporters appear to be in for a bonanza.
“If you’re talking to one of the buyers of LNG from Qatar in Asia and you still need LNG, you’re going to have to bid up somewhere else,” Ira Joseph, senior research associate at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University, told me. “Financially, this is really good for U.S. LNG. It’s a massive windfall for them.”
And, Joseph said, the crisis is unlikely to feed into domestic electricity prices. While a report issued by the Department of Energy toward the end of the Biden administration found that higher natural gas exports would lead to higher domestic prices for natural gas (and thus higher electricity prices), for the moment at least, export capacity is essentially maxed out, meaning that the increased demand for gas will translate largely into higher prices, not greater supply.
Shares of U.S. LNG exporters were accordingly up in early afternoon trading. Venture, which operates the Plaquemines and Calcasieu Pass export terminals in Louisiana, saw its share price rise some 14.5% as of 2 p.m. Monday. Shares in Cheniere Energy, which shipped America’s first LNG cargos in 2016 from Sabine Pass and has additional operations in Texas, were up around 5.5%.
The one U.S. natural gas export project scheduled to start up soon is, of all things, a QatarEnergy-ExxonMobil joint venture just on the other side of the Texas border from the Cheniere Sabine Pass facility. Production is expected to begin there this month.
And Qatar is also in the midst of planning to expand export capacity at home: QatarEnergy awarded engineering and construction contracts for its North Field West project, a move Jefferies had described as part and parcel of Qatar’s strategy of being “the lowest cost LNG producer, [which] remains focused on market share and is unwilling to adjust supply to market conditions.”
Now that loose supplier is off the market.
“Everybody will be competing for the same molecule of LNG. And that makes things very difficult,” Massimo Di Odoardo, Wood Mackenzie’s vice president of gas and LNG research, said in a webinar hosted by the firm.
“The gas energy market is structurally more volatile than the oil market. There is no such thing as strategic reserves. There is no such thing as spare capacity. Whenever there’s a shock in the market, the effect on prices is normally very strong, and this is a massive shock in terms of lack of supply,” he said.
Some of the most dramatic effects of this competition for LNG are likely to be felt in South and Southeast Asia, to which Qatar is a major exporter and where importers don’t have the same ability to withstand higher prices as they do in, say, South Korea or Japan.
Rich countries “will perhaps look for LNG from other sources to backfill the shortfall of debt supply, Di Odoardo said. “Countries like India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh might be less inclined to pay these very high prices at the moment.”
Joseph agreed with this view. Of Qatar’s big customers, Joseph said, Japan, China, Taiwan, and South Korea will likely hang in. But for poorer countries, “if prices get too high, you’re not going to buy the LNG,” he told me. “The loss of this much LNG is not going to be solved just through higher prices.”
The shock to energy prices has given many observers flashbacks to 2022, when Russia’s invasion of Ukraine helped tip Pakistan — which is very populous, very poor, and very reliant on energy imports — into an economic crisis. As that conflict unfolded, natural gas imports were redirected towards richer countries that could pay up, while poorer countries were left stranded in energy poverty.
The current shock to the LNG market, meanwhile, comes at a time when much of the world is rethinking its reliance on the United States, whether as a military partner or an economic one.
The whole scenario contains a distinct irony.
The United States escalated tensions with Iran into a full-scaled military operation with the goal of eliminating the Islamic Republic’s ballistic missiles and nuclear program and even overthrowing its ruling regime. In response, Iran has lashed out not just at the United States and Israel, but also at its Arab neighbors, including some of the world’s largest oil and gas producers. As a result of that escalation, U.S. energy exporters can expect increased profits in the short term, and the U.S. will likely see more sustained interest in economic partnerships in the medium to long term.
“In the grand scheme of geopolitical risks, this puts a bigger risk on the Middle East versus other regions, and has to be positive in terms of how U.S. energy looks in the global context,” Di Odoardo said.
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Rep. Jeff Van Drew was defeated by ... another wind opponent.
Democrat Zack Mullock unseated Representative Jeff Van Drew, one of offshore wind’s biggest foes, on Tuesday night in the race for New Jersey’s second district. But while Mullock is a fan of renewable energy, he’s still a man of the south Jersey shore — and unlikely to be a champion for turbines off his coast.
District 2 encompasses the entire lower quarter of the state, covering six coastal counties from Atlantic City down to the tip of Cape May and around to the Delaware Bay. The area is a hotbed for offshore wind opposition, where groups like Protect our Coasts NJ have filed legal challenges against almost every wind project proposed in the region.
After heading to Congress in 2019, Van Drew, who was previously a Democrat, switched parties and became a key ally to this movement. He called for a moratorium on offshore wind development, held hearings on offshore wind “industrialization”, and requested that the Government Accountability Office investigate the industry. He also worked with the Trump administration to block projects that were under construction.
During a debate in late October, Mullock accused Van Drew of flip flopping on wind, arguing that the congressman was a staunch supporter of the industry during his decade-long tenure in the New Jersey legislature. Mullock, who is currently serving his second term as mayor of the city of Cape May, summed up his own position by citing a resolution he signed in 2023 calling for a moratorium on surveying and acoustic testing for offshore wind development pending an investigation into a spate of whale deaths. He signed it due to “concerns” about the environment and commercial fishing, he said.
“I believe very much in our future with renewable energy,” he said. “We need to go full steam ahead with solar panels. And yes we should do wind where it is appropriate, where it doesn't hurt our environment and it doesn't hurt our commercial fishing industry.”
Mullock’s campaign website says he supports federal investments in renewable energy and incentives for energy-efficient homes. He also wants “stricter enforcement of the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act,” and to fund coastal resiliency and other “smart infrastructure” projects that protect against climate impacts. He also campaigned in support of a data center moratorium.
Early signs point to a rough election for AI infrastructure.
We’ve seen enough: If this was the data center election, it was a really bad night for the industry.
Democratic campaigns and their affiliated Super PACs spent bigly on data center-themed attack ads. The ads came in various flavors. Some ads painted a vote for tax cuts as aiding data center developers. Others brought up candidates’ previous support for data centers or stock the candidate may have held in the tech industry or AI infrastructure developers. As Election Day approached, the data center industry sought to bat back claims that their sector’s poor reputation with the electorate would sway the results. People may have soured on their industry, they argued, but people weren’t going to vote based on that position.
Results are still coming in, but so far congressional races heavily featuring these data center attacks are heavily going in Democrats’ favor. In addition, these races have so profoundly shifted that it’ll be challenging for the industry to argue they played no role in the outcome.
Some of the most illustrative examples are obvious. In Georgia, Democrat Keisha Lance Bottoms campaigned on a statewide data center moratorium and won control of the governor’s mansion, becoming the first black woman to ever lead a U.S. state. Similar results in Ohio where Amy Acton flipped party control of the governor’s seat with a campaign that included going hard against data centers. In Pennsylvania, two Democrats who focused on data centers in their races have flipped Republican districts: Scranton mayor Paige Cognetti and firefighter Bob Brooks. In New Jersey, Cape May mayor Zack Mullock rode data center attacks to defeat Rep. Jeff Van Drew, the biggest opponent of the offshore wind industry. In Virginia, Democrat Shannon Taylor rode data center-laden attacks to take control of the Richmond area congressional seat from Rep. Rob Wittman.
If you’re arguing this election was decided by data centers, your best proof point: Democrat Gina Hinojosa has taken control of the governor's mansion in Texas, defeating incumbent Greg Abbott, who’d sought recently to take a hard line against the industry. Hinojosa ran on going further, calling to pass a law completely pausing data center development across one of the industry’s favorite states. She won a decisive victory. So did Democratic Texas Agriculture Commissioner candidate Clayton Tucker, who I explained months ago became one of anti-data center Facebook’s favorite online personalities.
But it makes sense that data centers would matter a lot in Texas, which could be compared to Virginia in terms of their buildout. When you inspect the election results more closely, they tell a more complicated story about the upper boundaries of these data center attacks.
For decades, Greenville and Spartanburg County have been GOP vote strongholds and reliable for both Republican congressional candidates and statewide campaigns. The congressional district gave Donald Trump at least a 20-point cushion in the 2024 presidential election, according to Decision Desk HQ. Last week, I explained for subscribers to The Fight how Courtney McClain, a novice candidate living one mile from a controversial data center proposal, was running against incumbent Rep. William Timmons. I couldn’t find much in the way of online ad spending on either side in this race and it’s never been on the radar of most political observers as a campaign that could somehow flip party control. But the data center debate in Spartanburg County has been immense.
Tonight, Timmons kept his ordinarily ruby red district by slim single digits after running even for most of the night. But this swing was essentially the same as the national margin. And because Timmons didn’t lose, this actually feels like a crucial distinction – data centers were not deciding races themselves in all cases. Democrat Annie Andrews defeated Republican Darlene Graham in a result driven by Democratic overperformance and GOP underperformance in this area, but it’s challenging to tie this result to the data center issue at all. Anything from the economy and the Iran War to Graham’s deceased brother and his baggage could be blamed for this result from this heavily evangelical region.
However, it will be challenging for the data center sector to differentiate themselves from this outcome, especially since a pro-data center Super PAC – Building the Future – publicly waded into the race in support of Graham only to lose. “Darlene Graham’s loss is a black eye for the data center industry,” wrote Teddy Schleifer of The New York Times on election night.
The same story played out in Georgia’s 1st district, which includes the city of Savannah. OpenAI is developing a controversial data center project in Effingham County, northwest of Savannah and the congressional race – which like South Carolina’s 4th had comparatively little spending – has been chock full of data center mudslinging, with the Democrat Amanda Hollowell calling for broader moratoria on development.
Effingham County went for Trump by almost 50 points in 2024. As of this story’s publication, the Republican, Jim Kingston, is winning by a single percentage point with 93% of the vote in. Most of what’s left is in Effington. Should this candidate win, it’s safe to say it’s because voters in this county looked past data centers, or did not link their vote for a national candidate to the local development.
On Election Night, Effingham County formally tabled any decision on the OpenAI data center. So at least on the ground level, people are paying close attention to these results.
After taking two seats in a special election last year, the party gained a third in the midterms.
Democrats claimed two seats on the Georgia Public Service Commission in a special election last year, ending almost 20 years of unanimous Republican control over the regulator.
One of those winning Democrats, Peter Hubbard, ran again this year for a full six-year term in a rematch against Republican Fitz Johnson. The other open seat this year saw Sheila Edwards running in an open race against Republican Josh Tolbert.
Both Hubbard and Edwads won, securing a 3–2 Democratic majority on the Public Service Commission.
“Over the last 12 months, Georgian consumers have made one thing clear: They are tired of rising utility bills and they are hungry to see change. Georgia’s sea change moment for energy policy has arrived,” Charles Hua, the executive director of the utility-focused advocacy group PowerLines, told me.
The Democrats have not been shy about what their priorities will be on the commission.
“Winning control of the Georgia Public Service Commission means prioritizing lowering power bills instead of constantly increasing corporate profits, ramping up the deployment of clean energy technologies, and focusing the people in our decision-making as state regulators,” Hubbard said in a statement on his website.
Edwards, for her part, made it clear where she stands on data centers specifically in an October debate with Tolbert. “They came into our communities,” Edwards said. “They didn’t pay any taxes. They are using our water, using our electricity, and they’re being a public nuisance to the communities that they’re coming into.”
Hubbard also talked about data centers on Heatmap’s Shift Key podcast back in June. “I advocate for a whole-of-government approach, because while the Public Service Commission really only has oversight over the power side of things — where that power comes from and how much data centers are paying on their tariff — there’s much larger issues in terms of water use, in terms of the tax incentives,” he told my colleague Robinson Meyer. “The estimate is $3.5 billion in tax abatements this year in Georgia, uncollected revenue that data centers otherwise would be willing to pay.”
The race has seen outsize spending and interest from major figures not accustomed to dealing in utility regulator races. (Just 10 states have elected utility commissions, period.) Kamala Harris appeared at a virtual fundraiser for the Democratic candidates in Georgia, as well as Democratic hopefuls to the Arizona Corporation Commission. The solar energy industry spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in support of the Democrats in Georgia. Meanwhile, anonymous donors pumped millions of dollars into Tolbert’s bid.
Democrats swept into the Georgia PSC last year on a wave of dissatisfaction with rising electricity prices, especially rate hikes attached to the construction of two new nuclear reactors at the Vogtle Electric Generating Plant, which ran years behind schedule and billions of dollars over budget. In the runup to the election, the PSC approved a three-year base rate freeze proposed by Georgia Power in an attempt to head off public dissatisfaction.
In the past year, rates in Georgia have gone up by less than 1% across the state on average, according to the Heatmap-MIT Electricity Price Hub, while rates are up over 18% in the last three years and over 6% in the past two years.
Shares in Southern Company, the parent company of Georgia Power, were down slightly more than 0.5% in after-hours trading Tuesday night.