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With historic lows projected for the next two weeks — and more snow potentially on the way — the big strain may be yet to come.

Winter Storm Fern made the final stand of its 2,300-mile arc across the United States on Monday as it finished dumping 17 inches of “light, fluffy” snow over parts of Maine. In its wake, the storm has left hundreds of thousands without power, killed more than a dozen people, and driven temperatures to historic lows.
The grid largely held up over the weekend, but the bigger challenge may still be to come. That’s because prolonged low temperatures are forecasted across much of the country this week and next, piling strain onto heating and electricity systems already operating at or close to their limits.
What issues there have been were largely due to damage in the transmission and distribution system, i.e. power lines freezing or being brought down by errant branches.
The outages or blackouts that have occurred have been the result of either operational issues with plants, scheduled maintenance, or issues specifically with snow affecting the distribution system. As yet there’s been no need for rolling blackouts to relieve grid congestion and preserve the system as a whole. Speaking about the country’s largest electrical grid, Jon Gordon, a director at Advanced Energy United, told Heatmap: “So far, so good.”
But this is all assuming we just get more cold weather. We could be in for another storm. Since late last week, the forecasting model maintained by the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts — one of the two primary computer forecasting models, and generally considered more accurate than its analogue, the American model — has suggested there could be another major winter storm headed toward the Eastern U.S. next weekend. Whether it hits the Eastern Seaboard, clips it, or stays offshore, it’s still early to say with any confidence.
Should that storm hit, here’s what it’ll be barreling into.
Temperatures will likely remain below 0 degrees Fahrenheit across swaths of PJM Interconnection — the country’s largest regional transmission organization, covering the Mid-Atlantic through portions of the Midwest — with parts of Pennsylvania and Ohio not expected to see a day above freezing for the next two weeks.
Put simply, cold temperatures stress the grid. That’s because cold can affect the performance of electricity generators as well as the distribution and production of natural gas, the most commonly used grid fuel. And the longer the grid has to operate under these difficult conditions, the more fragile it gets. And this is all happening while demand for electricity and natural gas is rising.
Forced outages — which happen when power is pulled offline due to some kind of unexpected event or emergency — peaked on Sunday in PJM at just over 17,000 megawatts, while total outages were over 22 gigawatts on Monday, according to Grid Status’s Tim Ennis, who said some of them may have been due to ice “ice accumulation across Virginia.”
The market has also been serving more than its own 13-state territory. Already on Saturday — after the fierce cold had set in across its territory but before snow arrived — PJM noted to the Department of Energy that it had been asked to provide up to 3,000 megawatts to neighboring grids, and that it had already seen outages of around 20,000 megawatts — enough to serve 16 million people.
Kentucky, Virginia, and West Virginia reported the highest number of customers without power in the PJM region as of Monday afternoon, largely due to ice and snow that brought down tree branches on power lines or toppled utility poles.
Meanwhile, snow was still falling across New England on Monday afternoon, where parts of Massachusetts have received up to 20 inches. Another 8 inches could still accumulate on the Atlantic coast due to the ongoing lake effect, a common winter pattern in which cold Canadian air picks up moisture over the warmer Great Lakes, resulting in heavy snow downwind.
Though there were minimal blackouts in New England’s electricity market as of Monday morning, natural gas has fallen to just 30% of the grid’s fuel supply, from more than half at the same time a week earlier, with nearly 40% of its electricity output coming from oil-fired plants, Reuters reports. Solar generation peaked at less than a gigawatt on Sunday due to cloud cover, compared to over 4 gigawatts on Saturday and over 3 gigawatts on Friday. During the summer, ISO-NE’s combined behind-the-meter and utility-scale solar production can get as high as eight gigawatts.
The Department of Energy granted ISO New England, emergency permission to operate generators at maximum capacity, regardless of air quality and environmental standards. (It also granted the same dispensation to PJM and Texas’ grid operator, ERCOT.)
The most widespread outages in the country were concentrated in Tennessee, with some 230,000 customers in Nashville Electric Service’s area without power at one point. The disruptions were largely caused not by grid demands, but rather by nearly 100 broken utility poles and more than 70 distribution circuits taken down by the snow and ice, Utility Dive reported.
Mississippi and Louisiana also had outages, with around 4% of Energy customers offline according to Jefferies data, and around 10% of Entergy customers in Mississippi being affected by blackouts. By contrast, Jefferies data shows, less than 1% of Texas electricity customers were offline.
Typically, cold weather means higher natural gas prices, as the demand for home heating goes up alongside demand for electricity. The 44.2 billion cubic feet of natural gas forecast to be burned today would be the fifth highest January burn of all time in the U.S., according to Matthew Palmer, executive director at S&P Global Energy, in an email. The extended cold weather is expected to push natural gas stockpiles to their lowest since the winter of 2021 to 2022, according to S&P data.
Benchmark natural gas prices have shot up to $6.50 per million British thermal units, up from $5.28 on Friday. Crude oil prices by contrast were down slightly today, while heating oil prices were up around 5%.
High natural prices means that power markets are also expecting higher prices. Day-ahead average wholesale prices in Texas for 9 a.m. were almost $1,500 per megawatt-hour, compared to just $100 in the real-time market. In PJM, average real-time prices were around $270 at 9 a.m. compared to $482 in the day-ahead market.
“The worst is over, but we are expecting bitterly cold temperatures throughout the week. Please continue to avoid unnecessary travel and be vigilant about ice.” New Jersey Governor Mikie Sherrill, who had made electricity prices the centerpoint of her election campaign as well as her early days in office, said in a statement.
“While the worst of the snow is over, prolonged cold is still expected,” Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith wrote in a note to clients Monday. That can lead to “resource adequacy events,” i.e. blackouts, “as fuel supplies get strained and plants face operational strains from more significant run-time.”
There’s particular pressure and attention during this cold snap on ERCOT, the Texas grid operator, after 2021’s Winter Storm Uri, which brought ice, snow, and below-0 temperatures to much of the state. Natural gas wellheads froze up as much of the system for pumping and distributing natural gas lost power. Power plants were “unprepared for cold weather,” a report from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission found, “and thus failed in large numbers.”
Faced with power plants going offline and the entire system potentially collapsing, ERCOT had to order 20,000 megawatts of load offline — i.e. force blackouts — which FERC described as “the largest controlled firm load shed event in U.S. history.” Around 60% of the state’s households rely on electricity for heating, and the long freeze-out left 4 million homes and businesses without power. More than 200 people died.
In the intervening years, Texas has introduced new capacity and reforms meant to prevent a similar tragedy. While ERCOT “does not anticipate any reliability issues on the statewide electric grid,” per a spokesperson, the operator flagged for the DOE that low temperatures in the week ahead could raise demand to an “extreme level” that poses “significant risk of emergency conditions that could jeopardize electric reliability and public safety.” So far, though, it’s been holding up, with peak demand expected Monday morning and outages mostly limited to East Texas due to downed power lines.
The Tennessee Valley Authority, which operates a vertically integrated grid centered in Tennessee and spanning several neighboring states, warned of “extreme cold” in the coming days, but said that its generation fleet — which includes coal, natural gas, and nuclear power plants — was “positioned to meet rising demand.” As of Monday morning, TVA said that 12 of the 153 power companies it serves had “distribution issues” related to the storm.
One Mississippi power company in the TVA system said that it had “suffered catastrophic damage” to its distribution system, specifically a 161 kilovolt transmission line operated by the TVA. The cold weather has dealt a double blow to the system, with TVA officials reporting ice on transmission and distribution lines as well as icy conditions making it difficult to service lines in need of repair.
Currently, TVA is forecasting that demand will peak Tuesday at just over 33,000 megawatts, according to EIA data. The system’s all-time winter peak is 35,430 megawatts.
PJM also expects several more days of tight conditions on the grid thanks to forecasted cold weather. The grid operator issued a “maximum generation emergency/load management alert” on Monday morning through at least the end of the day Tuesday, indicating that it needed to maintain high levels of generation throughout the system. It also asked generators for specifics on when any scheduled maintenance would be over in order to more carefully schedule operations to maintain reliability.
Over the weekend, PJM told the Energy Department that peak demand could exceed 130,000 megawatts “for seven straight days, a winter streak that PJM has never experienced.” The grid operator expects project peak demand over 147,000 megawatts on Tuesday, exceeding the previous record of 143,700 megawatts set last January. Demand peaked at 135,000 megawatts on Saturday and 129,000 megawatts on Sunday.
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to correct ERCOT’s actions to protect the grid during Winter Storm Uri.
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In Providence, at least, climate change is still on the ballot.
Here’s some trivia for you: What was the first state to see its average temperature break the 2-degree Celsius threshold for warming above pre-industrial levels? It wasn’t Alaska, the fastest-warming state, nor was it California or Florida, states with some of the most visible impacts of the extreme weather crisis. It was not Arizona or Texas, either, though “hot” and “warming” are often conflated.
The answer, in fact, is humble Rhode Island, which passed the international benchmark for accelerated climatic impacts back in 2019. It is perhaps less surprising, then, to learn that in the Ocean State’s largest city, Providence, climate change and how to adapt to it have become one of the central talking points in a heated mayoral race, which in the deep-blue city is likely to culminate in the September 9 primary.
There is plenty to worry voters. Providence sits at the head of Narragansett Bay, which has warmed 1.6 degrees Celsius, enough to drive lobsters from the region and convert the local lobstermen into crabbers, fishing for crustaceans they previously considered bycatch. The sea level has risen on Rhode Island’s 400-plus miles of coastline by more than 10 inches since 1930, more than in Venice or Miami, meaning the city floods frequently. Locals hold their breath every hurricane season; a hit from a category 4 or larger storm could tally billions in damages. And as home to the biggest port in the region, Providence is also an unfortunate case study in industrial and fossil-fuel-related pollution affecting historically redlined neighborhoods.
“Since I’ve been in office, we’ve had dramatic, chronic flooding. We’ve had high heat days in the fall that have closed public schools, which is not something that ever happens here in September,” Providence Mayor Brett Smiley told me. “We had some of the highest snowfall in recorded history [in the city]. We’re seeing the effects.”
Smiley, who was elected in 2022, has described investing in infrastructure upgrades for the nearly four-century-old city as one of his “principal responsibilities” as mayor. During his second year in office, he signed an ordinance requiring all of the 122 city-owned buildings to decarbonize by 2040, and that fall published a 10-year plan that introduced air quality, heat, and stormwater management goals, provisions aimed at curbing pollution at the Port of Providence, and would have effectively banned the construction of new gas stations. (A later amendment relaxed the restrictions.) He’s also invested in long-overdue repairs to the city’s hurricane barriers.
This year, Smiley also announced the creation of a Green Revolving Fund to support Providence’s ambitious carbon neutrality goals. “I’ve been in government long enough to know that operating budgets can change as priorities change, and so having a dedicated recurring revenue stream is vital to ensuring that this work continues,” he said.
In the face of federal headwinds, and at a time when the political currency of “climate change,” at least in so many words, is on the downswing, Smiley’s focus on climate issues stands out. That is especially true against the backdrop of a broader state-level reassessment of environmental goals, with Democratic Governor Dan McKee proposing a budget earlier this year that would have slashed climate programs funded by monthly utility charges in the name of affordability. Though Rhode Island lawmakers ultimately rejected that rollback, McKee’s move fits into a larger trend in the region of blue-state politicians in places like Maryland, Massachusetts, and New York curbing or weakening climate ambitions under the pressure of affordability politics. (McKee also faces his own competitive primary.)
“Providence alone can’t solve the climate crisis. But our actions, at least in Rhode Island, are pushing other communities in the state to take action,” Smiley said.
But there are others — including Smiley’s progressive challenger, State Representative David Morales — who say the mayor’s tenure has been a lot of talk and little action, and that he’s neglected Providence’s low-income and frontline communities.
Morales’ campaign did not get back to me for this article, despite requests through multiple channels. But Steve Ahlquist, an independent reporter who follows environmental justice-related issues in Rhode Island, also told me that “over the years, and also in dealing with Mayor Smiley as an incumbent, I’ve had some real difficulty with what I would even call basic honesty out of his administration.” He added that the mayor’s office has a history of downplaying and denying police harassment of unhoused people in particular, including lying about the presence of police officers at a homeless encampment and their involvement in an “illegal search” in 2023.
When I asked the Smiley administration about Ahlquist’s accusations, press secretary Carl Austin Miller Grondin told me the city has a “multi-department approach” for addressing encampments of which “Providence Police are one piece,” though he didn’t address the 2023 incident directly. As for the idea that Smiley represents the status quo, Grondin said the mayor has made “significant investments” in programs for underprivileged groups including affordable housing, eviction prevention, public schools and youth programming, and public safety.
Ahlquist also finds Smiley’s talk about affordability and clean energy false, however. Smiley notably vetoed a rent control ordinance, despite the city having some of the highest rates in the country, and while serving as former Governor Gina Raimondo’s chief of staff between 2016 and 2019, he helped push for the expansion of fossil fuel infrastructure in the form of a $1 billion fracked gas and diesel oil power plant that was ultimately thwarted by community pushback. (Grondin told me “rent control policies do not lower rents” and that the mayor “has instead taken a disciplined, results-driven approach to lowering housing costs.” The power plant project was proposed before Smiley’s tenure in Raimondo’s administration, he added.)
Morales, 27, is a Democratic Socialist and has won the backing of Vermont’s Independent Senator Bernie Sanders. His scrappy campaign against an establishment incumbent Democrat has earned him comparisons to New York City’s young, charismatic Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Unlike Mamdani, however, Morales has made climate central to his campaign.
Morales has gone after Smiley particularly hard on environmental justice issues, sensing a weak spot in his record. “Industrial facilities near the Port of Providence have polluted our neighborhoods for decades,” his issues page reads. “David will require them to contribute more toward the city services and infrastructure our communities deserve.”
A nearly two-mile stretch of Allens Avenue, which flanks the port, is home to asphalt plants, scrap metal recyclers, oil and gas companies, and petroleum storage tanks with a history of leaks, spills, dumps, and other forms of contamination. Locals complain that even just driving along the avenue is enough to make you sick, with 11 identified polluters within a mile radius of National Grid’s newest LNG plant. Traffic to and from the port adds to the odor — and health impacts — in the neighboring communities of South Providence and Washington Park, which have some of the highest hospitalization rates in southern New England. Notably, South Providence’s population is 90% people of color; Washington Park’s is above 60%.
Smiley bristled at Morales’ plan to tax polluters. “Many of my opponent’s proposals — which continue to evolve, by the way — are illegal or not allowed, and he leaves some of those details out, and sometimes changes his position,” he told me. Ahlquist, who issued a rare endorsement of Morales last spring, contends that “we know for a fact it is not illegal” to tax polluters at a different rate. (In truth, it’s a bit of a legal gray area; Providence’s tax code allows it to adopt a classification system with different rates for industrial properties, but whether that classification can be used to single out specific polluters on Allens Avenue is murkier.)
In an interview with Ahlquist, Morales has also proposed buying out the Rhode Island Recycled Metals property — where some of the worst contamination has originated — and pursuing “brownfield mediation” in the area. “I find it shameful that Public Street, one of the few shoreline access points around the Port of Providence, is not a very welcoming environment,” he said. On the adaptation side, he’s proposed passing a green energy bond to invest in renewable energy and upgrade the sewage system with an eye on future flooding.
A week ago, it might have seemed as though Morales had progressive momentum on his side. But after the upset of Democratic Socialist Francesca Hong in Wisconsin on Tuesday night and the narrow victory by progressive up-and-comer Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan the week before, the narrative is now more complicated. Meanwhile, the first primary poll shows Smiley with a 4-point edge — within the margin of error, but still likely to have the Morales campaign in a state of jitters.
Climate adaptation can sometimes fall under a variation of the refrain parodied in urban infrastructure circles: One more study would fix this. That’s especially true in Rhode Island, where study after study has highlighted the problems Morales and Smiley are circling, and yet here they still are, at the center of yet another mayoral race.
“One of the things that frustrates me is when you write a plan and then put it on the bookshelf, and that’s the end of it,” Smiley told me, sounding genuinely irked as we spoke on the phone. “That’s not how I do plans.” He told me stormwater infrastructure would be a major focus of his administration if he’s elected to another term, while he hopes his decarbonization roadmap and the green revolving fund will outlast his mayoralty, whenever and however it may end.
Morales has been stymied before, too. Ahlquist recalled watching the young legislator in the State House at the end of a legislative session, when, in the waning hours, he was told by leadership that a bill he’d been working on wasn’t going to get through. “David, when he’s in public, he’s very controlled, very managed,” Ahlquist said. But from his vantage point, Ahlquist could see Morales had started to cry.
“It’s midnight, the last days of session, and I just saw something raw in him then,” Ahlquist said. “It was like, Wow, this is a guy who really gives a shit.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to include responses from the Smiley campaign.
Chatting about win-win solutions with the Abundance Institute’s Ryan Norris.
This week’s conversation is with Ryan Norris, senior fellow for energy policy at the Abundance Institute. The libertarian-leaning institute — whose name cleverly shortens to AI — is a new-ish entity with increasing relevance in energy and tech spaces. As Norris and I discussed, it’s starting to help shape policy on data center development and the generation that’ll power it all, especially in Republican circles. Norris himself previously worked with Americans for Prosperity, a right-wing political organization. I reached out to him and asked if we could chat because I wanted to know more about the institute’s work within the energy space. He wound up saying a lot more than I expected. So let’s dive into it.
The following conversation was lightly edited and abridged for clarity.
So let’s start with what you’re working on. What’s on your desk these days?
Here at Abundance, we sit at the juncture of emerging technology and the energy they need to bring that new technology to bear to impact life positively. We are always in a constant state of learning and researching what the latest thoughts and feelings are around certain policies, particularly around AI and data centers, and then energy technology. How do they feel about nuclear? Geothermal? Solar and battery arrays?
A lot of what I’m working on is Project Gigawatt, a body of policy that fits into permitting, generation, the grid, transmission, and then market and demand. Policies that we believe will generate more, transmit more, and as much of a free market approach as possible. Knowing that a lot of states have regulated utilities, when the state utility can’t produce what the state can potentially actually generate or would need to in order to accommodate large loads, we think there needs to be other opportunities to either bring that power or purchase it in a different way.
When it comes to this policy set, how are you taking into account the intensifying backlash to data center and AI infrastructure, as well as the energy attached to it?
As everyone can sense, things are moving rapidly, and there is a natural inclination to question how fast we’re going. I think these concerns need to be addressed seriously and respectfully. You can’t just say negative things about people who care about water quality or impacts to their local economies. Those are valid. I’ve lived through those. I come from a rural place in Arkansas that had oil and gas plays. And I’ve seen there needs to be conversations with people living in those areas too.
We cannot discount the backlash. When you take the legitimate concerns and pair them with the opportunities coming, I think there’s actually a chance to set up win-win solutions. It shouldn’t be a win-lose scenario here. They have skepticism about AI in the short and long term — that’s a natural inclination and not a negative, per se. But educating people and policymakers about data centers, that’s important.
What is your approach to the rise in land use regulation around data centers and energy infrastructure, moratoria and restrictive ordinances?
As much as possible, you want the infrastructure and cost allocation to be borne by the business causing it. That’s the motivation behind a lot of colocation partnerships happening right now, like the Kilby project in Texas, with natural gas powering a Microsoft hyperscale.
To us, it’s about setting up the opportunity for private property owners to sell to those hyperscalers and those generating the energy. Setting up situations where you’re not stopping people from benefiting. A lot of the “bring your own power” concept, we really like that. Maybe having it where power purchase agreements are more in the mix, things along those lines. That’s where I see things.
The energy increases to our utility bills, people are concerned about it, and that’s a bread and butter issue. That’s the approach: We know we need grid upgrades and want to have the most cost effective versions of those as possible, but you want those needing the power paying for it and not putting it on the backs of residents.
I’m curious, what’s you and your organization’s approach to the rise of gas infrastructure built for AI and the potential impacts that could have on climate change?
I don’t discount the issue of climate change.
Let’s say we’re not able to decarbonize enough to reverse the effects of warmth. We know we’ll have to create energy. We know we have other options for energy that need to be in the mix — more nuclear, which now even some of those who are climate-minded understand is an abundant energy source. I’m also interested in new technologies in geothermal where it can be viable in more places than we thought. You can drill down and tap hot rocks, a basin of water, turn a turbine, and that’s more acceptable for those who care about the climate. And states are looking at it, including my state of Arkansas. I bring these up because I also care about sources that provide firm, consistently available power.
We attended the American Legislative Exchange Council, and one of the things we do, we’re voting members on the energy, environment, and agriculture task force. We’re pro letting the market decide what they need. So we took opposite stances from what people typically consider normal standards on the center-right about banning “net-zero” for local governments. It did pass as model legislation but if we believe “all of the above” is the approach, we also want to be principally correct to ourselves that it doesn’t mean banning wind or solar where it’s viable.
My last question: What’s your thought on the future of politics around AI infrastructure and energy generation for it?
There’s definitely headwinds to those in that industry. I think the sense is, they understood what they wanted and didn’t see any barriers to the way they’d go about it. That’s causing ripple effects in our politics at the local level, including here in Arkansas, where I live in Pulaski County. I think it’ll stay important particularly as it connects to affordability concerns around energy. We know we need more energy, but we want it at the lowest cost possible to the residential side. If people are feeling like data centers are driving the demand for the energy and aren’t on the hook for it, that’s going to position them to be more negative towards the technology.
But we have to expand the conversation. There are folks out there talking about 3D printing for homes, using proprietary cement mixes to build homes in a few weeks when they took months. Agriculture is using robotics in lieu of pesticides and herbicides. Advanced manufacturing is improving the quality of medical equipment. No one completely understands the end goal of new energy to fuel the data centers and AI to get us where there’s a net benefit to them.
Plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.
1. Shelby County, Alabama — The Trump administration’s widening effort to intervene in rural energy project fights is facing an early test: What happens if companies don’t take it seriously?
2. Ozaukee County, Wisconsin — Speaking of walls, we just saw the political power of the data center resistance hit one in the Badger State.
3. Everywhere in Texas — Texas Governor Greg Abbott is getting a lot of love for his data center standards, with major developers rolling out press statements claiming they’ll comply.
4. Herkimer County, New York — Something weird is going on in upstate New York with a monastery, a wind farm, and the Trump administration. I’m not sure what to make of it yet.