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Chatting with the Mid-Atlantic Renewable Energy Coalition’s Evan Vaughan.

This week’s conversation is with Evan Vaughan, executive director of the Mid-Atlantic Renewable Energy Coalition. The trade group is at the center of things right now, representing many of the 13 states in the PJM Interconnection region, including power-hungry Virginia. MAREC reached out to me so we could talk about how it sees various energy trends, from the rise of a new transmission build-out to the resilience of renewable energy in the Trump 2.0 era.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
So where does your membership stand as the Inflation Reduction Act starts to fade into the distance?
The momentum we’ve seen coming out of the Inflation Reduction Act has largely kept pace up until this point. We’re entering into a little bit of unknown territory going forward given that tax credits are phasing out their primary eligibility by July, and we have some significant PJM milestones coming up, including the first post-transition cluster study happening with allocations due in April. In some ways, that first post-transition cluster is going to be really indicative of what direction we see the future energy mix shaping up like in PJM going forward. It’s an interesting time to have this conversation because we’re at such an inflection point.
How much is local siting conflict holding up development?
Local siting challenges are a big problem for getting new generation onto the grid, and it’s not just a wind and solar issue. It’s any generation source. It often gets couched as a wind and solar issue because that’s been the vast majority of the megawatts coming out of the PJM queue over the last five years or so. Even with that being said, there’s been local opposition with the Chesterfield gas plant in Virginia, too.
If you watch what PJM says about the state of their queue, they rightly point out that they’ve processed a number of queue applications, almost cleared out the backlog from their queue transition, and point out supply chain and siting issues for projects once they’ve exited the queue.
The PJM queue is a conveyor belt heading into a volcano. Projects, when they get to the end, they either encounter issues like local denials of their permits, or supply chain issues, or increasingly, interconnection cost challenges, in which case they fall into the volcano. Of those three issues, local siting is the one most readily apparent today.
I still think it’s a sleeper issue for politicians and the general public because there’s confusion over who holds the authority over our electricity generation future. Obviously PJM holds a lot of levers, and the states have a lot of power, and federal policy matters. But in the end, whether there’s enough generation to meet that demand comes down to thousands of local officials across PJM’s 13 states making enough “yes” decisions to make sure we have enough megawatts in place to keep the lights on.
Last week I wrote a feature on transmission development in the PJM region, the need for more wires on the grid, and conflicts over those projects. From your vantage point, how are these conflicts going to be resolved? Is it with local decision-making? Or does some of this interstate tension need to be fixed in other ways?
It’s not the local governments that are the bad guys here. It’s that they have a decision-making framework mismatch from what they care about – valid local issues – and the electricity supply-demand balance. If the lights go off or bills continue to rise and someone in the political realm loses their job, the average voter isn’t going to blame the local government. They’ll blame the state and broader government for these issues.
There’s a real problem with the storytelling aspect of transmission. I’m really optimistic as states come together around FERC’s order 1920, which is finally getting to the implementation stage, as the PJM region will be the first to file a complete planning and cost-allocation filing with the commission. The vision of 1920 is to create more state input with how lines are planned. That’ll hopefully provide some relief to the transmission controversies.
Do you think that whack-a-mole approach is why we’re seeing the level of tension we are on the ground over transmission?
Yes.
Well, that’s a simple answer.
I can elaborate. Essentially, the way transmission is planned is that reliability faults pop up on the system, PJM’s engineers identify faults, and then they identify the kinds of upgrades needed to address faults. It’s a backwards-looking process. It’s not tangible to an everyday person.
Starting from where we want to go in terms of state needs for energy generation and then asking people for input is a much better way to get public buy-in and reduce opposition.
What is the biggest issue that’s top of mind for MAREC?
I worry that for all the activity happening at the state level, the PJM level, and the federal level to try and address the supply-demand imbalance on the grid, it is mostly not adding up to a picture resulting in more generation coming online at the scale we need.
Many of the solutions proposed tend to miss some of the fundamental needs of businesses to draw them to invest in a new generation resource. Many of the solutions being worked on at the states and PJM level are trying to address an urgent near-term need, but what we see is all the changes are actually being disruptive in and of themselves.
What in this moment gives you hope? What makes you optimistic about the future?
I think we are still seeing a huge amount of enthusiasm from our member companies to invest in the PJM region, even with all the headwinds we have. It speaks to a fundamental value that our resources – wind, solar and storage – provide to the grid.
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A chat with Colette Lamontagne, senior director for electric power at Ceres.
This week’s conversation is with Colette Lamontagne, senior director for electric power at the sustainability finance advocacy group Ceres. Her team just released a shareholder engagement guide for the utility space around data center development. I’ve been wondering when the ESG crowd would enter into the AI infrastructure fray, so I asked if I could chat with Colette about what the guide could teach my lovely readers and whether the data center backlash portends a new wave of boardroom fights between electric companies and institutional investors.
Our conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
What is the big message of this guide? If you were to talk about this over a coffee, what would be the topline takeaway?
These data centers are coming, but they can be done right. They don’t have to be done in a way that negatively impacts energy, water, and communities, and we need to slow down just enough to be able to do it right.
It’s not a guide about what data centers should do — it's a guide on the risks to the electric power sector. The biggest risk is the magnitude of power needed and the timing — how quickly it’s needed. Because of that, the traditional process for electric utilities can’t keep pace. It’s all regulated. There’s a lot of steps they have to go through to build new transmission infrastructure and new generation. If the grid connected companies can’t keep up the pace, data centers will just build their own generation. And the biggest problem with that? You have all these resources not shared by the users.
Do you think data centers are going to create a new wave of ESG-based investor advocacy?
I haven’t thought about it as a new age for ESG, but that’s a good point. We are moving beyond asking companies about targets and to create transition plans. Now we’re looking at how to accelerate solutions for climate impacts. I do think there’s a new age related to that.
When it comes to data centers, the questions aren't about utilities and their targets, but instead how they’ll meet this need so they don’t go back to old coal plants or [build] new [behind the meter] plants not used by the grid.
Should we anticipate some kind of new shareholder advocacy wave around how integrated utilities and power companies address or mitigate the impacts of the data center boom on meeting their resource plans, especially decisions made as a result of shareholder advocacy on climate?
If a data center comes to a utility and says they need 100 megawatts of power and the utility chooses to serve that with coal or gas instead of new renewables, it will impact their clean energy goals. If they say they signed a power purchase agreement and give all these renewable resources to a data center, that’s not new — you’re still impacting your clean energy goals because then you’re taking the renewables away from other customers. You have to build something else for those other customers. What are you building instead?
How they think about their long-term resource plans is really important. These generation sources will be around for a very long time. In most cases, renewable energy is cheaper to build. Gas plants require a four- or five-year wait for turbines. So not only is it better for the environment but better for business to get these renewables built.
I’ve written a lot about data center water use. The guide goes into the energy sector’s water use impacts from this increased power demand from data centers; specifically, it says investors should consider asking utilities to conduct new comprehensive water risk assessments around it. Can you help my readers and I better understand what this kind of assessment is and why companies should consider doing this?
Different types of electric generation facilities use different amounts of water. Some of it is withdrawn and put back. Some of it is withdrawn and consumed. Those matter. In cases when water is drawn and put back, the temperature goes up — that’s impacting the environment.
It’s an interesting dichotomy. The new technologies that use air cooling use less water, but they use more energy. Then you have to think about what electricity you’re using and how much water that electricity is using. It’s the life-cycle impacts.
Is there any kind of risk for investors or energy companies associated with the data center sector, given its political challenges?
Well, utilities usually get the short end of the straw. They always get blamed for everything. I say that with a laugh because I used to work for a utility.
Some of these companies have an obligation to serve. If someone comes to them and says they need power, they are required to provide it. However, they can protect themselves and other ratepayers. If the utility builds a whole generation plant and all this transmission infrastructure to serve one data center, and then the data center gets canceled, yeah that’s a risk — not to the bottom line of the utility but to their reputation.
Plus more on this week’s biggest development fights.
1. Washtenaw County, Michigan — The Mitten State made itself the center of the data center backlash this week, as multiple AI skeptics won key Democratic congressional primaries. Yet the most significant election result wasn’t a primary vote, but rather a quiet referendum in a small town outside Ann Arbor.
2. Travis County, Texas — I’ve been getting a lot of texts from sources about Texas Governor Greg Abbott issuing a stop to data center permitting. Let’s get into what really is happening here.
3. Jefferson County, Missouri — Data center opposition can win a Republican political primary, too, as demonstrated this week in this rural pocket of the Show-Me State.
4. Santa Clara County, California — We conclude this week’s Hotspots with a warning about the dire political straits of battery storage technology.
The agency is reportedly considering a land swap that would allow AI infrastructure in one of northern Virginia’s largest green spaces.
A national park site and Civil War conflict area in Virginia is now a battleground in the fight over data center development on federal real estate — and Congress is starting to get involved.
On July 23, the Prince William Times reported that Trump’s National Park Service is “considering a land swap” to allow “at least four data centers” on land within the boundaries of Prince William Forest Park in northern Virginia, one of the largest green spaces in the Washington D.C. metro area and a flashpoint during the Civil War. Since then, my colleagues and I have confirmed based on interviews with sources familiar with the plan, public lobbying disclosures, and previously unreported correspondence from Congress to the Park Service that, indeed, there has been a concerted behind-the-scenes effort to make this swap happen, going back more than a year. Many of those concerned about the idea of this exchange told me they’ve been unable to get clear answers from the Park Service on the likelihood of the swap.
Here’s what we do know: A data center development company, Highland Digital, under an LLC registered by their legal counsel, has sought permission from Prince William County to build a large tech infrastructure complex next to the park, at a site other companies have sought to rezone for that purpose since at least 2022. Though the land is within the park’s boundaries, it is not actually owned by the park; it was held by a private entity before the site was established, enabling it to be used for development through a quirk in public land use law colloquially known as “inholding.”
Meanwhile, the data center backlash has made siting new projects in Northern Virginia increasingly difficult. In Prince William County specifically, supervisors rejected a large data center project near Dulles Airport last month. The sort of land Highland Digital has access to would be challenging to develop in this political environment, given that county planning office staff said it also included wetlands and streams that made permitting difficult.
So as Highland Digital struggled to get permission, it came up with a Plan B, according to two local park conservation advocates familiar with the project’s progress: It could swap some of the land in the park with other parcels close by owned by the Park Service without as much ecological sensitivity. The company retained a lobbyist, Jeff Small, who was a senior adviser to the Interior Department under the first Trump administration and last year publicly boasted of close ties to the White House (which distanced itself from him in response). Small lobbied the National Park Service and Interior Department for a land exchange on Highland Digital’s behalf starting in May 2025 through the first quarter of this year, according to federal lobbying disclosures.
Around this time, Ashley Studholme, executive director of the Prince William Conservation Alliance, first learned about the land swap proposal. Studholme told me Highland Digital CEO Peter Batten proposed the idea to the park’s superintendent George Liffert in a meeting the three had that month with Small in attendance. Highland Digital provided Studholme and Liffert with a map she shared with me outlining different parcels that would be involved. Studholme said that afterwards, nearly identical parcel delineations were then added to an official National Park Service GIS map online. This meeting and map change assertion were first reported by the Prince William Times.
Kyle Hart, a senior program manager for the National Parks Conservation Association, told me his organization has had “loose discussions” with Park Service staff about the land swap, which he described as “a newer thing” that “we know has been proposed.”
In response to my request for comment, NPS sent the following statement attributed to an unnamed spokesperson: “The National Park Service preserves the historic, cultural and natural integrity of national parks, including Prince William Forest Park. The NPS does not regulate private land use outside park boundaries or comment on speculative uses.”
On paper, Hart told me, the swap has some upsides for NPS. The Park Service would get more land in the deal than Highland Digital would acquire. It could also permanently protect sensitive resources. But the cumulative impact of the exchange, he said, is unambiguously in Highland Digital’s favor.
“The developer comes out ahead,” he told me. “You combine that with another 100 or so acres [they hold] that is direct road frontage, and you have land primed for development without any of the hiccups of pesky streams and so forth. And they’d be doing this to expedite a data center within their borders directly adjacent to the land they’re protecting.”
In mid-July, before the Prince William Times story published, staff for Representative Eugene Vindman — the Democratic congressman whose district includes the park — contacted the Park Service requesting “reports of a potential exchange or transfer of land within Prince William Forest Park. The inquiry asked for information on deed ownership as well as any legal authority for the Park Service to exchange land with a private corporation for development without congressional approval.
Vindman’s staff provided their request to me this week, informing me they never heard back.
“I’m very concerned about the proposed data center development in and near Prince William Forest Park,” Vindman said in a statement his office provided. “I have been clear that data centers should not be built near parks, schools, or residential communities, and I’ll continue to fight for our community on this issue.”
Very little about Highland Digital or its data center plans is available online, while Data Center Dynamics, a trade publication, has reported that details about the data center are “sparse.” A public meeting to discuss the project planned for the parcel the company currently owns was scheduled for May, but was then canceled after the developer rescinded a permitting application with Prince William County without a stated reason.
Highland Digital did not respond to requests for comment. Neither did representatives from Jeff Small’s firm, 76 Group, who was registered to lobby for the developer on behalf of EIS Solutions, the firm’s name before it rebranded in 2021. Small’s contact information is not public and I was unable to reach him for this story.
With reporting by Matthew Zeitlin.