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Q&A

The Center for Biological Diversity’s Patrick Donnelly Responds to Critics

How the litigious environmental organization squares its opposition to some renewable energy projects with its support for rapid climate action

Patrick Donnelly.
Heatmap Illustration/Center for Biological Diversity

Welcome to The Fight’s Q&A section where we’ll speak with the movers and shakers shaping every side of the debate over renewable energy deployment.

Today our subject is Patrick Donnelly, Great Basin director for the Center for Biological Diversity, an environmentalist organization at times on the plaintiff end of lawsuits against projects. I decided to speak with him about how his organization’s opposition to some projects squares with its support for rapid climate action.

The following is an abridged version of our conversation.

What would you say to someone who says the work you do is delaying climate action?

There’s a huge amount of projects in the pipeline, and it’s not likely that our level of intervention is going to materially affect the overall rollout of clean energy.

We [the U.S.] aren’t picking the right projects to pursue. No plan exists in the federal government for where that energy is going to come from, where we’re going to pick which projects to permit. And we have no filtering criteria for which to say, well, this is a good project and there’s so many problems with this project that it’s a really bad project and we shouldn’t permit.

Why do you think the government isn’t engaging organizations like CBD about which projects to pursue?

It’s not a legal obligation. It’s probably a moral obligation. If you’re going to go to 50% EVs or whatever, you better have a plan for where all the lithium is going to come from! There’s places with lower tribal conflicts, these are knowable things. We can do it next week. We also need to consolidate solar projects. There are millions of acres that don’t have tortoises on them. We have more than enough land. I could just pencil that out right now – it’s not that hard to find the least conflicts. The data exists.

But again, industry’s been in the driver’s seat. Industry’s said, we have this application and it needs to be processed because we brought it in.

So what you’re saying is, you’d sit with Jigar Shah and just plan it out?

If he asked me to come, I’d be in D.C. tomorrow. Absolutely. That’s what we want — let’s plan it out, and then I can go work on other things, y’know? I’d be happy to sue over that [other] stuff.

Absent this planning, which sounds nice but has not happened, proponents of permitting reform often cite CBD’s repeated opposition as a reason to pass legislation that could limit your ability to challenge projects. What do you think about how your actions now could impact your capacity to act in the future?

I think some level of permitting reform was inevitable. I don’t think anything in the permitting bill will cease our efforts. It will make it harder for sure. I think the biggest thing it will do is eliminate the ability for frontline communities to engage, so we’re looking at an undemocratic clean energy transition where you have technocrats making decisions for how people’s lives will play out. People in these rural communities feel like they’re under assault. Low income desert folks feel like their whole life is going to be turned upside down.

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Spotlight

Wind Industry Goes for Broke Against Trump

Senior executives at EDP, Apex, Pattern, and other large renewables companies did something remarkable in a recent court filing: They publicly criticized the administration.

Donald Trump and a wind turbine.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

Major energy developers are going all in against the Trump administration in court, in what appears to be the first time many are publicly challenging the president in spite of any potential risk of retaliation.

As I chronicled, Trump is now effectively blocking any new wind projects in the U.S., utilizing federal authority over American aerospace to stop what was once a run-of-the-mill approval process for the height of turbines through the Federal Aviation Administration. They’ve done this by using the Defense Department to gum up the interagency review process, with the Pentagon holding up bureaucratic machinations citing vague, alleged national security concerns. Earlier this month, regional renewable energy trade groups filed a lawsuit against the Pentagon and FAA seeking a judicial order akin to what they’ve already won against the Interior Department’s anti-renewables permitting freeze. The case argues Trump can’t hold these routine processes up because, well, they’re mandated by law to ultimately clear things if they meet basic specifications. It arrives as the Trump administration appeals a separate lawsuit against the Interior Department’s de facto permitting freeze, which was formally filed today.

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The Renewables Battle Underway in Arizona

And more of the week’s top fights around development.

The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. Apache County, Arizona – Renewables developers are trying to head off restrictions in a coveted region of the sun-swept Arizona desert.

  • I’ve detailed how this county is a crucial battleground in the fight over local restrictions on renewable energy. So profound the conflict has been over renewables in Apache County that it helped spur a failed campaign to enact a statewide pause on wind development.
  • Well, the next engagement is underway: On June 3, the Apache County Planning and Zoning Commission recommended a temporary moratorium on future solar and wind development, responding to resident-run campaigns against specific projects.
  • I’ve noticed large advocacy non-profits have begun running hyperlocal letter campaigns to the Apache County Board of Supervisors asking pro-renewables voices to weigh in against the moratorium. Arizonans for a Clean Economy is running a sponsored ad on Google, resulting in a letter campaign popping up if you search renewable energy and the name of the state. “Send a letter today and ask your Supervisor to support policies that unleash Arizona’s energy potential while keeping costs low, conserving our water, and creating energy independence for Apache County,” their letter-writing website states.
  • Meanwhile, Veterans Power America, a national organization, is asking people to tell the board: “Clean energy projects can bring new revenue and economic opportunity to Apache County for Veterans like us. Don’t shut the door on progress.” (For what it's worth, I learned of this ad from anti-wind activists complaining about it on Facebook.)
  • What happens now is a procedural waiting game. The county will now go through a public notice and comment process ahead of formal consideration of the planning and zoning commission’s recommendations. While a decision isn’t imminent, I will be watching this one like the area’s sharp-shinned hawk.

2. Montgomery County, Alabama – A so-called “AI watchman” has won the GOP nomination for Alabama Public Service Commission, indicating how deeply frustrations run in red states against the nascent infrastructure buildout for artificial intelligence.

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Q&A

What Would Make the Data Center Boom Popular?

A conversation with Mark Muro, senior fellow at the Brookings Institute’s metro policy program

Mark Muro.
Heatmap Illustration

Today’s conversation is with Mark Muro, senior fellow at the Brookings Institute’s metro policy program. Too often I’m asked, what’s the version of a data center boom that people like? I reached out to Muro because he recently coauthored research into the ways communities and data centers can potentially work together to build more mutually beneficial and popular industry growth. The conversation wound up perfect for The Fight, so I had to include it in full.

The following Q&A was lightly edited for clarity.

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