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Spotlight

Data Centers Are Already Dominating This Year’s Elections

In districts across the country — from North Carolina to Texas to Indiana — voters and candidates are making the computing boom a central issue.

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Clayton Tucker and a data center.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images, claytontuckertx.com

Data centers are already dominating this year’s elections. As a campaign issue, they’re primed to disrupt races across the country, big and small, right and left.

Candidates at every point of the political spectrum are being buried with questions about data centers and artificial intelligence. Interest groups are making data center support a deciding factor in whether they support a given candidate, alongside other boogeymen such as the “green new deal,” Big Tech billionaires, and Israel. In Florida and Ohio, underdog Republican candidates for governor are railing against data centers as they try to win their party’s nomination over establishment-backed candidates. In Michigan, a former GOP statehouse speaker is making the issue his biggest talking point in a bid for the governor’s mansion.

Perhaps my favorite race to watch right now is in Texas, where farmer Clayton Tucker, the Democratic nominee to flip the state’s agriculture commissioner seat, is running against the state’s data center growth. I spoke with Tucker, whose campaign focuses on how the authorities of the commission could be leveraged against data center developers. One of those ideas is to conduct “impact studies” on data centers, water, and cropland.

“To me this is an AI bubble, 2008-style. They’re not going to be used for anything important or that’s going to help society or our country,” Tucker told me. He explained how his campaign first focused on a bigger topic – monopolies like in the beef industry – before he ultimately pivoted to data center frustrations, which he groups together with other complaints farmers have about Big Business.

“It’s about being laser focused on who is the true problem, who our true enemies are: the monopolies, the tech bros, and the people who are just trying to rig everything and who are forcing these data centers down our throats.”

I chronicled how the 2025 elections in Virginia, New Jersey, and Georgia were stuffed with data center-coded rhetoric about rising electricity bills and energy costs and protecting the environment from new AI-backed industrial development. There was an unmistakable populist tinge to any and all arguments against data centers on the campaign trail back then, for sure. But let’s be honest: We were still in the infancy of the boom in data center development. The outcry over these projects has exploded even since November.

Primary voters last week in Stokes County, North Carolina ousted two county commissioners – Rick Morris and Brad Chandler – who’d voted days earlier to approve a zoning request for Project Delta, a large data center proposed by developer Engineered Land Solutions. Situated in the rural, mostly undeveloped farming community of Walnut Cove, the Project Delta proposal has become controversial over its close proximity to a river and local worries about noise, among other grievances. Nearby residents and environmental advocates filed a lawsuit yesterday against its construction.

It’s unclear whether what happened in Stokes County will matter in North Carolina come the general election this fall, or whether the issue will have the same saliency in higher-level races. The reliably red county is represented in Congress by Virginia Foxx, one of the GOP’s staunchest conservatives. The Cook Political Report rates Foxx’s congressional district a “Solid R” because Donald Trump won the presidential vote there last time by 18 points. Elsewhere in North Carolina, two congressional candidates backed by AI companies – Representative Valerie Foushee and Republican candidate Laurie Buckout – won their primary races over candidates more vocally critical of local data center projects.

In other places, though, it’s easy to see how data center fights could have a decisive impact, even at the congressional level.

Take Indiana’s 1st Congressional District, a mixture of suburban and rural communities bordering Michigan and Illinois. The 1st has seen some of the worst spikes in electricity bill costs of anywhere in the Midwest, according to data compiled by MIT researchers and Heatmap Pro. The 1st is represented by Frank Mrvan, a moderate Democrat who has previously championed the use of federal funds to support data center growth, but is now criticizing the potential ramifications for energy and farmland. Mrvan is going up against Barb Regnitz, a Republican county commissioner running a self-funded campaign who has said she would vote against any data center proposal; data center developer QTS recently withdrew plans for a large data center in the county, though it’s unclear what role if any Regnitz played in that story. The Cook Political Report finds it is “likely” that Mrvan keeps his seat, but it also also says that the seat has “all of the characteristics of a district that should be moving in Republicans’ direction.”

Other congressional races are being dominated by data centers in Indiana, which is one of the top states for data center development. Indianapolis – a hotbed for data center strife – is represented by Andre Carson, who is facing his most contested primary election since winning his seat in 2008. One of his primary opponents, Destiny Wells, is railing against data centers in the district and pledging not to take utility industry money. Another primary candidate, George Hornedo, is getting flack from the grassroots left for not fighting hard enough against data centers.

Whether data centers will decide any statewide primary elections is a bigger question. Take the GOP gubernatorial primaries in Florida and Ohio, each of which features a Republican hardliner — James Fishback and Casey Putsch, respectively — campaigning loudly against data centers; both candidates appear to be longshots at the moment. In Texas, the GOP’s nomination for agriculture commission went to Governor Greg Abbott’s preferred candidate instead of an incumbent calling to restrict data centers on farmland.

When it comes to Tucker’s race for agriculture commissioner, which won’t be decided until November, he’s not “counting his chickens before they hatch.”

“I don’t believe in that as a farmer,” he said. “I get too superstitious to be doing that.”

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Spotlight

A Giant Data Center Offers a Permitting Reform Test Case

What would happen to Project Jupiter if the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act is passed?

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Project Jupiter.
Heatmap Illustration/Project Jupiter, Library of Congress

One of the nation’s largest data centers is struggling under permitting woes. So let’s play a game: would the bipartisan permitting bill in Congress make the path easier, or might the federal legislation be irrelevant to large hyperscalers under development today?

Meet Project Jupiter, a mega project in southern New Mexico in Dona Ana County under development by Oracle and OpenAI, with financial backing from SoftBank and political support from the Trump administration for being a part of Stargate, a major Trump administration public-private initiative boosting AI development. Project Jupiter would be one of the largest data centers in the country if completed and currently is expected to run on a microgrid powered by fuel cells converting gas to electricity, which the developers claim will burn much cleaner than a typical off-grid gas turbine power plant.

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Hotspots

The Trump Administration Is Still Messing with Offshore Wind Farms

And more of the week’s top news around project fights.

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The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. New England (and Maryland) – The Trump administration is still messing with offshore wind farms, even while trying to pass a permitting reform deal. Examining the court filings reveals why they may feel empowered to do it — and I’m not sure how this ends.

  • Last Friday, in a legal case brought by anti-wind activists, the Justice Department submitted a motion in federal court to send the construction and operations plan for Orsted’s Revolution Wind project in New England back to the Interior Department for more analysis. On Wednesday, the DOJ entered a similar motion in another case challenging the construction and operations plan for U.S. Wind’s MarWin project off the coast of Maryland in a lawsuit brought by the state’s coastal community of Ocean City.
  • Trump’s actions led some to question whether the president was sabotaging the deal, and others to claim the media coverage itself was an attempt to kill it. Going further, supporters of the bipartisan bill claimed the DOJ's motions were precisely why the bill should become law, implying it would guard offshore wind farms against this sort of maneuver.
  • However, for the bill’s backers, it’s worth considering why the Trump administration believes it has the legal authority to do this. It’s also time to ask whether the bill would actually protect these wind farms against this tactic.
  • To answer those questions, you have to rewind. On May 1, 2025, the Interior Department withdrew a Biden solicitor’s opinion instructing the agency to “strike a rational balance” between wind power and fishing interests. This revocation document is technically not in effect at the moment; one year later, a federal court ruled the opinion was potentially illegal as a part of a preliminary injunction on five anti-renewables actions requested by solar and wind trade groups. The Trump administration is contesting that ruling, and the administration has filed a notice of appeal.
  • In August, despite that opinion being in doubt, a federal judge granted Trump permission under the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act to remand the construction and operations plan for the now-defunct Atlantic Shores offshore wind farm in the waters of New Jersey. U.S. District Judge Jia Cobb specifically wrote that Atlantic Shores failed to demonstrate the federal government had limitations under OSCLA on revisiting these plans and that the injunction from the litigation on appeal “did not prohibit all reevaluation of agency action.”
  • In the recent Revolution and MarWin filings, Trump’s Justice Department argues the construction and operations plans should be remanded under OSCLA without being vacated. The DOJ motions include claims that previous decision documents did not adequately explain impacts to commercial fishing and other industries that use OSCLA waters. It’s not clear if the administration will win these motions.
  • The bipartisan permitting bill would bar the Interior Department and other federal agencies from taking “any new action that would revoke, rescind, withdraw, terminate, suspend, amend, or alter a federal authorization or permit in effect on or after September 16, 2026,” or “any other action to interfere with or prevent the construction or operation at full capacity of a project that has secured all necessary federal authorizations and permits.” The restriction exempts cases where “the agency is required to take such action by order of a court.” As I wrote in our lengthy piece explaining the bill, this provision has a damages component that allows companies impacted by violations to pursue financial compensation.
  • Here’s the billion-dollar question I expect we won’t have answered unless the bill language is enacted and then litigated: Would the court order exception apply to rulings that grant these motions? Or would the developers be able to sue for damages?

2. Columbia County, N.Y. – New York’s renewable energy permitting office has rejected an upstate solar farm on farmland as a House Democrat representing the area joined hands with the Trump administration in publicly railing against the project.

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Q&A

The Developer that Builds Local Support with ‘Right-sized’ Data Centers

A conversation with Harmol Samra of Host Digital

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The Q&A subject.
Heatmap Illustration

This week’s conversation is with Harmol Samra, CEO of data center developer Host Digital. I asked Samra for a conversation because his team expressed a willingness to offer candid views on the industry’s problems with social license to operate — namely, why is the industry botching this so badly? From his point of view, many could learn a lot from industrial revolutions of the past, and they should be careful not to let mega-project expansions get in the way of broader acceptance of the data center sector.

The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.

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