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Revisiting a favorite episode with guest Ilaria Mazzocco.

The Chinese electric automaker BYD is entering a new stage in its history. Last month, it sold more than half a million electric vehicles and plug-in hybrids. BYD has already shipped more cars this year than Ford and Honda, and it is fast coming for Volkswagen, GM, and Toyota’s crowns as the world’s three largest automakers.
Earlier this year, Rob and Jesse spoke with Ilaria Mazzocco, a senior fellow with the Trustee Chair in Chinese Business and Economics at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. She has watched China’s EV industry grow from a small regional experiment into a planet-reshaping juggernaut. On this week’s episode of Shift Key, we’re re-running that conversation — one of our favorites ever to happen on the show. We’ll be back with a new episode next week.
Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap, and Jesse Jenkins, a professor of energy systems engineering at Princeton University.
Subscribe to “Shift Key” and find this episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, or wherever you get your podcasts.
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Here is an excerpt from our conversation:
Robinson Meyer: It’s been clear since Trump pulled out of the Paris Agreement, to some degree, that China was trying to race ahead in these clean technologies in a way that America was not. But I feel like the full arrival of the Chinese EV industry in the U.S. discourse has only happened in the past year. Can you zoom out and just give us a sense of how we went from the Chinese car industry being … not a joke, necessarily, but not really seen as a serious global competitor, to now, where the Chinese EV industry is shaping U.S. and European policy at the highest levels?
Ilaria Mazzocco: I actually think the fact that the traditional internal combustion engine automotive industry in China was so uncompetitive is part of the reason why we’re here, right? So the Chinese government for decades tried to come up with ways of getting a world-class industry. So it’s like, you know, to access the Chinese market, you have to create a joint venture, and the government picked — usually it was state-owned enterprises, which are not known for their dynamism and creativity and innovation.
And in fact the car companies that did do better in China were often sort of the private, or like the small state-owned enterprises that were sort of coming in from the margins and maybe struggled to get a license to operate initially — like Geely, right? Geely was sort of a classic example of that.
But essentially, by around the global financial crisis, there was the sense that this just wasn’t working. And this was also at a time when the Chinese bureaucracy is starting to think more and more about industrial upgrading. Salaries in China are going up. So you want to think of what’s next steps as maybe textiles and other sort of lower-end manufacturing moves outside of China. And so the thinking was, well, why don’t we invest and put our weight behind the next-generation technology in automotive, and sort of invest in that. And that way, we’re competing on a level playing field.
Ironically, that’s sort of the idea — or in the sense that, you know, you’re not competing with companies that have been accumulating IP for over 100 years, you’re sort of playing … Chinese companies may have even an advantage if they start early.
This was sort of the brainchild of the minister at the time, the minister of science and technology, who was an auto guy, Wan Gang. And so this was a fairly small project, to be honest. This wasn’t something that the secretary of the party or the premier who came up with it. It was a ministry-level initiative. There were four ministries working on it, but yeah, pretty small. It was really pilot city programs, not a big success initially — kind of expensive — but they stick with it. And that’s kind of the key there, right? So that’s what the big advantage that the Chinese bureaucracy has, that it can have that policy continuity. These are not politicized things, issues. These are, there’s also not, there’s no voters there looking at the budget and saying, You’re spending a ton of money on this unproven technology. And so that’s one advantage.
What I also like to point out is that it was the right time. This is, they started the program to commercialize, right? Obviously there’d been R&D grants and that sort of thing, but there’s a program to start actually giving consumers rebates to buy EVs and incentivizing taxi fleets, which was pretty crucial in China, and bus fleets to electrify self-starts around 2009, 2010. And you know, in those years, that’s also when Tesla is starting to emerge, right? This is a moment in which the technology is … not mature, but it’s mature enough that it can actually make real strides when it starts to be commercialized.
And then the third part is you had really good entrepreneurs. You had BYD that was just there lobbying to get this. You actually had Tesla in there trying to get more incentives for this, as well. But, you know, you had Chinese companies like BYD that were really at the margins and quite hungry that really took up this opportunity and started investing and really believed in it. So I think you had that combination of factors and, you know, now we’re like 15 years later, I think we’re seeing the results of it.
I will say it doesn’t always work that way. To an extent, there’s an element of luck, right? This is the problem with industrial policy. You can do the work right in the research and you can get it right, but it’s still not a … you don’t always know that it’s going to work out. And I give the example of fuel cell technology. They received the same types of subsidies, fuel cell passenger vehicles in China. And that, you know, we’re nowhere close to seeing a mass market for that.
This episode of Shift Key is sponsored by …
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Intersolar & Energy Storage North America is the premier U.S.-based conference and trade show focused on solar, energy storage, and EV charging infrastructure. To learn more, visit intersolar.us.
Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.
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The Secretary of the Interior said he “absolutely” planned to appeal a ruling that lifted blocks on wind and solar approvals.
The Trump administration is not backing down from its discriminatory policies for approving wind and solar projects. Interior Secretary Doug Burgum testified to Congress on Wednesday that his agency would appeal a recent district court ruling blocking it from enforcing these policies.
“We reject the whole premise,” Burgum said during a House Natural Resources Committee hearing.
Since Trump took office, the Interior Department has issued a series of memos and secretarial orders that systematically disadvantage wind and solar projects. Last July, it issued a memo requiring that nearly all approvals in the wind and solar permitting process be subject to additional reviews by the secretary’s office. A subsequent order required the agency to prioritize permitting projects with greater energy density, meaning ones that produce more power per acre of land, and deemed wind and solar “highly inefficient” compared with coal, nuclear, and natural gas projects.
The policies amounted to an effective freeze on wind and solar development on public lands, while also stalling projects on private lands that require federal consultations, affecting hundreds of clean energy projects. By the end of last year, Democrats saw no point in negotiating on permitting reform if the executive branch could simply make up its own permitting rules. They insisted on limits to executive power before they’d agree to a deal.
Around the same time, a coalition of clean energy groups, including the Clean Grid Alliance, Alliance for Clean Energy New York, and the Southern Renewable Energy Association, challenged the agency’s actions in the U.S. District court for the District of Massachusetts. The Interior’s permitting policies “place wind and solar technologies into second-class status without providing any rational justification for such disparate treatment or drastic policy shifts — unlawfully picking winners and losers among energy sources, contrary to Congress’ intent,” the lawsuit claimed. The groups argued the policies were arbitrary and capricious, in violation of the Administrative Procedures Act. In April, Judge Denise Casper sided with the plaintiffs, putting a temporary injunction on the agency’s wind and solar-hobbling memos.
During Wednesday’s hearing, Representative Susie Lee of Nevada told Burgum that his policies have “created a total permitting mess” in her sunny home state, and asked him what the immediate impact of the court’s order was within his agency. When Burgum responded by denigrating the judge’s decision, Lee asked if he was planning to appeal the order.
“Yeah, absolutely,” he said, asserting that “the idea that a single judge could decide” how the agency conducts permitting “is absurd.”
At the end of her questioning, Lee reaffirmed that the July 15 memo was the single thing stalling a permitting reform deal in Congress. “If you would just rescind that memo, we could get permitting reform passed this Congress, and we can start to talk about permitting all forms of energy.”
Later in the hearing, Burgum also defended another of the administration’s controversial actions regarding renewables. California Representative Dave Min questioned Burgum on his deal to pay the French energy company Total nearly $1 billion to walk away from its offshore wind leases. Was that an appropriate use of money, Min asked, considering so many Americans were struggling with high energy bills? Burgum rejected the premise, asserting several times that the agency merely “refunded” Total’s money.
Current conditions: The heat wave driving temperatures into the triple digits in the Southwest is moving northward to the Mountain West • Temperatures in Timbuktu are forecast to hit 115 degrees Fahrenheit as Mali devolves into a civil war between the government and Islamist militants • Malé, the Maldives’ densely packed island capital often called the Manhattan of the Indian Ocean, is facing days of intense thunderstorms.
Ever since South Korea built the United Arab Emirates’ first nuclear plant as close to on time and on budget as any democratic country has come in recent years, the East Asian nation has been considered one of the only real rivals to China and Russia on construction of new fission reactors. That’s in no small part because many American engineers whose projects dried up in the late 20th century took their skills there, building out more than two dozen commercial reactors and helping to vault Seoul to the vanguard of technological civilizations. Recently, Washington has wanted to re-shore that nuclear knowhow and learn the new project management tricks perfected by South Korea’s state-owned nuclear firm. But Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power’s flagship reactor mirrors the technology covered under the U.S. nuclear giant Westinghouse’s intellectual property. The yearslong standoff between the two companies came to a head last year with a global settlement that, in a controversial move, barred the Koreans from competing against Westinghouse on projects in Europe or North America. Still, the Trump administration has been trying to court Korean investment in the U.S. nuclear sector.
Now it’s coming closer. On Tuesday, KHNP inked a memorandum of understanding with the nuclear division of U.S. utility giant Southern Company to work together on engineering atomic power stations. It’s not a financing deal. Signed at KHNP’s headquarters in Gyeongju, the companies said the partnership would involve technology exchanges, workshops, and sharing best practices. “This agreement is expected to serve as an opportunity for KHNP engineers to expand their horizons globally and provide a growth chance for the domestic engineering system to take a leap forward,” Kim Young-seung, the head of KHNP’s engineering division, World Nuclear News. “We will continue to do our utmost to complete the Korean-style engineering system through close cooperation with overseas operators and international organisations.”
The Environmental Protection Agency has come up with a new way to speed up construction of data centers, power plants, and other industrial facilities: Let them start building before they obtain required federal air permits. The proposal would “bring flexibility to building non-emitting components or structures,” including cement pads and wiring, piping, and support structures. “Today’s proposal works to provide solutions to issues that have held up critical American infrastructure and advance the next great technological forefront,” EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin said in a statement. “Through commonsense permitting reform, the Trump EPA is fixing the broken system of government interference, while continuing to uphold our core mission to protect human health and the environment.”
Surging demand and shortages of raw materials are pushing lead times for high-capacity electrical transformers to as long as four years, PricewaterhouseCooper analysts said at a Reuters event this week. Demand for step-up transformers, which increase the voltage of electricity as it travels across power lines, increased by 274% between 2019 and 2025, while demand for substation transformers soared by 116%. Prices for essential components, meanwhile, have jumped by roughly 80% in five years. As a result, according to PV magazine, some firms are now paying premiums for production slots on projects that aren’t even finalized yet, while others buy refurbished as a stopgap until newer units arrive.
Transformers aren’t the only grid equipment attracting investment. Just this morning, TS Conductor, a manufacturer of advanced conductors that can bolster the capacity of existing power lines, announced the grand opening of its newest factory in South Carolina. The $134 million facility is now “poised to strengthen U.S. domestic supply chains as utilities work toward building a stronger, higher-capacity, more-efficient power grid — all with the speed that American industry needs and the affordability that American ratepayers deserve,” the company said.
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The Trump administration has removed the acting head of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, replacing the political appointee with a 30-year agency veteran who held senior positions in several previous administrations. On Tuesday, E&E News reported that the exit of Karen Evans, a political appointee put in charge of the embattled agency in December, would be the third such departure since President Donald Trump returned to the White House. Her temporary replacement as acting administrator is Robert Fenton, who began work as a regional administrator in 1996 and held the acting chief job twice under the first Trump and Biden administrations — for six months in 2017 and four months in 2021. “I know this year has been challenging for many across the agency,” Fenton wrote in a staff memo Tuesday, a copy of which the newswire obtained.
FEMA has struggled under Trump. As I told you last summer, the agency cracked down aggressively on internal dissent from staffers. Meanwhile, the funding shutdown at the Department of Homeland Security, where FEMA is housed alongside Immigration and Customs Enforcement, “starved” local disaster responses, Heatmap’s Jeva Lange reported in February..
Alsym Energy, as Heatmap’s Katie Brigham reported last year, “thinks it can break the U.S. battery manufacturing curse.” And not just by besting the incumbents already producing the market’s lithium-ion packs, but actually commercializing a whole new type of battery chemistry that instead relies on cheaper and far more abundant sodium as the main energy carrier. On Tuesday, the Massachusetts-headquartered startup inked a deal with the renewable developer Juniper Energy to deploy 500 megawatt-hours of Alsym’s battery systems in California. The deal, the companies said in a press release, “marks a significant shift away from fire-prone lithium-ion dependencies, prioritizing safety, domestic production, and operational efficiency in some of the United States’ most demanding climates.”

If you thought building batteries or transformers was tricky, how about an electricity distribution network in space? That’s what Star Catcher Industries is promising to do. The Jacksonville, Florida-based startup said Tuesday it had raised $65 million in an oversubscribed Series A round. The investment — led by venture capital firms B Capital, Shield Capital, and Cerberus Ventures — brings Star Catcher’s total capital raised so far to $88 million. Founded less than two years ago, the company is developing space-based infrastructure that can deliver electricity on demand to satellites and spacecraft using optical power beaming, a wireless technology involving high-intensity laser light. “This investment underscores the conviction that orbital infrastructure is now as fundamental as terrestrial infrastructure,” Andrew Rush, co-founder and chief executive of Star Catcher, said in a statement. “Every major application driving the space economy — connectivity, computing, security, sensing — is power-limited today. Star Catcher is lifting that ceiling — making it possible to build in orbit at the scale the next century of life on Earth will demand.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to correct the location of Terrapower’s isotope plant.
With markets surging and the crucial waterway still closed, Rob seeks clarity from the founding director of Columbia’s Center for Global Energy Policy, Jason Bordoff.
The Strait of Hormuz has been closed for months. Yet oil is trading — at least as of late Tuesday — at under $110 a barrel. Why haven’t the markets responded more to the biggest supply disruption of all time? Is it a credit to President Trump, and does it give us any clues to how future presidents should handle other energy crises?
On the latest episode of Shift Key, Rob talks with Jason Bordoff, the founding director of the Center for Global Energy Policy at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. He’s also a co-founding dean of the Columbia Climate School. He was previously a special assistant to President Obama and the senior director for energy and climate change at the White House National Security Council. Rob and Jason discuss whether this crisis will permanently alter the global energy system, what a new climate and energy consensus might look like, and whether Democrats should talk about climate politics.
Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News.
Subscribe to “Shift Key” and find this episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, or wherever you get your podcasts.
You can also add the show’s RSS feed to your podcast app to follow us directly.
Here is an excerpt from their conversation:
Robinson Meyer: What’s the risk that you’re most worried about in the current crisis that you feel like maybe isn’t getting enough play? In some ways, the lack of any progress since the ceasefire was put into place has meant that we kind of have talked about everything. But I don’t know, is there something that in your mind, whenever you encounter it, you’re like, Oh, that’s a big deal, and people don’t realize how big a deal that is?
Jason Bordoff: I mean, whether it’s tariffs, or Greenland, or Venezuela, or this — and I could list other examples, too — I think global cooperation and America’s role as a trusted partner for countries around the world is a very important one. And that’s true for energy security, too. If you’re really worried about 80%, 90% of lots of the parts of particularly clean energy supply chains, say, being dominated by China or critical mineral supplies, the only way to change that reality is to work in partnership with more countries: Europe and Latin America and Africa. And I’m worried that China has a strong desire to position itself as a reliable commercial partner in the world, contrary to the U.S. And I worry that conflicts like this one don’t help us counter that argument. So that’s a broader point.
When it comes to energy, I wrote a piece with my friend and frequent collaborator Meghan O’Sullivan at Harvard in the latest issue of Foreign Affairs where we talked about that thing I said a moment ago: If you’re more worried about energy security, and particularly you’re an oil- and gas-import dependent economy, say in Europe, a response to this could be, energy security comes from isolating yourself, becoming self-sufficient. And it certainly makes sense to produce more energy at home where you can.
But we talked about the 1970s a moment ago — and one of the responses to that crisis, from my standpoint, is a sense that energy security was strengthened by more cooperation and more integration into a global market, an oil market that was interconnected. So if there’s a hurricane somewhere, or a tsunami somewhere, or a civil war somewhere, supplies could shift around in response to higher prices, to be sure. All of that helped increase security. And it was like a collective insurance policy. I think today, countries, increasingly in the world of geopolitical fragmentation and our collapsing world order, look around and feel like interconnection is a risk, not a source of security. And the more countries try to disconnect and kind of take a go it alone approach, I think that actually is more expensive. It’s cost-inflationary. It weakens economic growth. And frankly, it makes it harder to have a clean energy transition.
You can find a full transcript of the episode here.
Mentioned:
The Iran Shock — And the Dangerous Allure of Energy Autarky, by Jason Bordoff and Meghan O’Sullivan
Jason’s initial response to the Iran War: How the Iran War Could Consolidate China’s Energy Dominance
From Heatmap: The Future of Climate Tech Can Be Found in China’s Five-Year Plan
Jason’s argument that energy independence may be making the U.S. more aggressive
Matthew Huber’s New York Times op-ed: Democrats Don’t Have to Campaign on Climate Change Anymore
This episode of Shift Key is sponsored by ...
Heatmap Pro brings all of our research, reporting, and insights down to the local level. The software platform tracks all local opposition to clean energy and data centers, forecasts community sentiment, and guides data-driven engagement campaigns. Book a demo today to see the premier intelligence platform for project permitting and community engagement.
Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.