You’re out of free articles.
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
Sign In or Create an Account.
By continuing, you agree to the Terms of Service and acknowledge our Privacy Policy
Welcome to Heatmap
Thank you for registering with Heatmap. Climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our lives, a force reshaping our economy, our politics, and our culture. We hope to be your trusted, friendly, and insightful guide to that transformation. Please enjoy your free articles. You can check your profile here .
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Subscribe to get unlimited Access
Hey, you are out of free articles but you are only a few clicks away from full access. Subscribe below and take advantage of our introductory offer.
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Create Your Account
Please Enter Your Password
Forgot your password?
Please enter the email address you use for your account so we can send you a link to reset your password:

Of all the nonsense spouted during the House Oversight Committee’s “ Examination of Environmental, Social, and Governance Practices with Attorneys General: Part One” on Wednesday, perhaps the most patently false comment came from Arizona Republican Rep. Andy Biggs. “Always interesting to hear people say things,” the congressman mused.
It is not, in fact, always interesting to hear people say things, something that the GOP-controlled House’s ESG hearing illustrated time and time again. In the three-and-a-half hours that Utah’s Attorney General Sean Reyes, Alabama’s Attorney General Steve Marshall, and minority witness Michael Frerichs, the Illinois state treasurer, were grilled by House members, it became obvious that “there were two different hearings occurring,” as Chairman James Comer, Republican of Kentucky, noticed in his closing remarks.
Comer’s comment was intended as a dig at Democrats, who certainly shopped their own agendas during the event, but his party was guilty of the same offense. ESG stands for “environmental, social, and governance” and refers to a mainstream financial investing philosophy that considers factors beyond pure earnings numbers, such as a company’s diverse board, which has been shown to improve performance, or the momentum behind the transition to renewable energy, which might make investing in an oil company a bad long-term bet.
For one half of the committee room, ESG investments are also “an attack on capitalism” and a grave violation of fiduciary duty in pursuit of a “left-wing agenda”; for the other half, ESG investments are prudent and beneficial, informed by a greater reach of “data,” and in observation of the basic principles of the free market. Ne’er the twain arguments did meet, or even especially engage with one another.
The hearing began with Ranking Member Jamie Raskin, Democrat of Maryland, tracing the Indo-European roots of the word “woke” and went downhill from there. Republicans played all their hits: They got emotional talking about their big, beautiful pickup trucks; cited China’s ambitions to “rule the planet”; and if you had “socialist utopia,” “radical left,” “pronouns,” “the Bible says…,” and “get woke, go broke” on your bingo card, you’d have won a cash prize.
There were “anti-Semetic overtones up to 11,” as The New Republic’s Kate Aronoff pointed out, and Rep. Glenn Grothman, Republican of Wisconsin, complained that “there are certain disfavored groups in our society” who might be disadvantaged by ESG principles because “people don’t like men, people of European backgrounds, that sort of thing.” The University of Alabama vs. University of Tennessee football rivalry was, for some reason, relitigated. There was a requisite dig at tofu. Godwin’s law — that all lengthy debates bend toward an eventual Nazi reference — was proven.
As incredibly dumb as the hearing was, though, it was also incredibly important. Republican state treasurers and right-wing think tanks and donors have moved to punish companies, banks, and investors that have seen the writing on the wall — that “natural disasters and warming temperatures can lead to declines in asset values that could cascade through the financial system,” as Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen warned earlier this year, and that “the industries of the future,” like renewables, “are winning,” as Rep. Seth Magaziner, Democrat of Rhode Island, who is not on the Oversight Committee but spoke in a guest appearance at the hearing on Wednesday, said.
Already, though, some 15 states have introduced legislation to effectively penalize businesses that have aimed for more climate-friendly policies, with West Virginia’s state treasurer pulling $20 million out of a fund managed by Blackrock over the firm’s push for companies to reduce emissions and Texas passing a law barring the “energy discrimination” of firms that choose not to do business with fossil fuel companies. It’s a trend that has many in the climate space deeply concerned.
“Using ESG principles to help inform investing is not a breach of fiduciary duty. On the contrary, not taking all factors related to risk and opportunity into account can be seen as a breach of fiduciary duty,” Cathy Cowan Becker, the responsible finance campaign director for Green America, said in a statement. “Individual, institutional, and public asset investors should be free to consider all information when making critical investment decisions. This is how the free market works.”
The choice of Republican witnesses was telling, too. Both Marshall and Reyes were among 13 attorneys general who filed a protest with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission last winter over the investment firm Vanguard’s attempt to buy electric-power utility company shares in what the AGs alleged was “contrary to the public interest” and an instance of “environmental activism.” The pair of AGs also signed on to sue the Biden administration over the Department of Labor’s new rule allowing for fiduciaries to make ESG considerations; additionally, Marshall and Reyes added their names to a letter sent to banks and asset management companies threatening legal action if ESG-informed investment strategies were pursued. Reyes, Utah’s attorney general, has also sued the National Association of Attorneys General “over their investment of public money into ESG funds,” The Center Square reports.
And as Rep. Magaziner, the Democrat from Rhode Island, pointed out, “The two Republican witnesses who are here, who may be very credentialed in other ways, between the two of them have zero degrees in investments or economics or finance, are not CPAs, are not chartered financial analysts.” Rather, “Our Republican witnesses have experience trying to overturn elections that were freely and fairly won.” The Democrats’ minority witness, Illinois Treasurer Michael Frerichs, meanwhile, looked wearier and wearier as the day wore on and he remained the lone voice defending ESG investing as inherently being in the best interest of clients.
The outwardly strange battle lines of the ESG fight have resulted in some real moments of cognitive dissonance, and that held true at Wednesday’s hearing. “I just watched @GOPoversight’s hearing on #ESG and you might be surprised to hear how much the @GOP favors securities disclosures these days ... what is even going on here,” Brad Kutner of the National Law Journal tweeted after Republican congressmen bemoaned the lack of transparency around ESG investments. And Rep. Lauren Boebert, the MAGA provocateur from Colorado, used her time to slam Blackrock as a “primarily left-wing activist fund that uses its status as the fiduciary for several investment funds to coerce companies into introducing ESG politics into their retirement account savings.” Writer and analyst Kelly Mitchell, in a must-read Twitter thread chronicling the hearing, pointed out that irony:
\u201cBlackrock, like all great left wing activists, is the second largest investor in fossil fuels in the world. I'm obviously the first, because I will not be outdone in my left wing activism.\u201d— Kelly Mitchell (@Kelly Mitchell) 1683730579
Democrats weren’t exempt from cringe-worthy moments, either. “If you don’t have a
woke capitalism you’re going to have a broke capitalism,” Raskin said, and then unfortunately repeated. And in one of the hearing’s oddest moments, freshman Rep. Jared Moskowitz, Democrat of Florida, used his time to veer off topic and advocate for gun reform, leading to a brief verbal spat with the chairman.
But Moskowitz’s tangent also produced perhaps the most relatable statement of the whole hearing. “I don’t know what we’re doing here, Mr. Chairman,” Moskowitz said, his frustration finally boiling over. “This is part one; there’s going to be a part two? I mean, part one was just so fascinating. I can’t wait for part two.”
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
A third judge rejected a stop work order, allowing the Coastal Virginia offshore wind project to proceed.
Offshore wind developers are now three for three in legal battles against Trump’s stop work orders now that Dominion Energy has defeated the administration in federal court.
District Judge Jamar Walker issued a preliminary injunction Friday blocking the stop work order on Dominion’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind project after the energy company argued it was issued arbitrarily and without proper basis. Dominion received amicus briefs supporting its case from unlikely allies, including from representatives of PJM Interconnection and David Belote, a former top Pentagon official who oversaw a military clearinghouse for offshore wind approval. This comes after Trump’s Department of Justice lost similar cases challenging the stop work orders against Orsted’s Revolution Wind off the coast of New England and Equinor’s Empire Wind off New York’s shoreline.
As for what comes next in the offshore wind legal saga, I see three potential flashpoints:
It’s important to remember the stakes of these cases. Orsted and Equinor have both said that even a week or two more of delays on one of these projects could jeopardize their projects and lead to cancellation due to narrow timelines for specialized ships, and Dominion stated in the challenge to its stop work order that halting construction may cost the company billions.
It’s aware of the problem. That doesn’t make it easier to solve.
The data center backlash has metastasized into a full-blown PR crisis, one the tech sector is trying to get out in front of. But it is unclear whether companies are responding effectively enough to avoid a cascading series of local bans and restrictions nationwide.
Our numbers don’t lie: At least 25 data center projects were canceled last year, and nearly 100 projects faced at least some form of opposition, according to Heatmap Pro data. We’ve also recorded more than 60 towns, cities and counties that have enacted some form of moratorium or restrictive ordinance against data center development. We expect these numbers to rise throughout the year, and it won’t be long before the data on data center opposition is rivaling the figures on total wind or solar projects fought in the United States.
I spent this week reviewing the primary motivations for conflict in these numerous data center fights and speaking with representatives of the data center sector and relevant connected enterprises, like electrical manufacturing. I am now convinced that the industry knows it has a profound challenge on its hands. Folks are doing a lot to address it, from good-neighbor promises to lobbying efforts at the state and federal level. But much more work will need to be done to avoid repeating mistakes that have bedeviled other industries that face similar land use backlash cycles, such as fossil fuel extraction, mining, and renewable energy infrastructure development.
Two primary issues undergird the data center mega-backlash we’re seeing today: energy use fears and water consumption confusion.
Starting with energy, it’s important to say that data center development currently correlates with higher electricity rates in areas where projects are being built, but the industry challenges the presumption that it is solely responsible for that phenomenon. In the eyes of opponents, utilities are scrambling to construct new power supplies to meet projected increases in energy demand, and this in turn is sending bills higher.
That’s because, as I’ve previously explained, data centers are getting power in two ways: off the existing regional electric grid or from on-site generation, either from larger new facilities (like new gas plants or solar farms) or diesel generators for baseload, backup purposes. But building new power infrastructure on site takes time, and speed is the name of the game right now in the AI race, so many simply attach to the existing grid.
Areas with rising electricity bills are more likely to ban or restrict data center development. Let’s just take one example: Aurora, Illinois, a suburb of Chicago and the second most-populous city in the state. Aurora instituted a 180-day moratorium on data center development last fall after receiving numerous complaints about data centers from residents, including a litany related to electricity bills. More than 1.5 gigawatts of data center capacity already operate in the surrounding Kane County, where residential electricity rates are at a three-year high and expected to increase over the near term – contributing to a high risk of opposition against new projects.
The second trouble spot is water, which data centers need to cool down their servers. Project developers have face a huge hurdle in the form of viral stories of households near data centers who suddenly lack a drop to drink. Prominent examples activists bring up include this tale of a family living next to a Meta facility in Newton County, Georgia, and this narrative of people living around an Amazon Web Services center in St. Joseph County, Indiana. Unsurprisingly, the St. Joseph County Council rejected a new data center in response to, among other things, very vocal water concerns. (It’s worth noting that the actual harm caused to water systems by data centers is at times both over- and under-stated, depending on the facility and location.)
“I think it’s very important for the industry as a whole to be honest that living next to [a data center] is not an ideal situation,” said Caleb Max, CEO of the National Artificial Intelligence Association, a new D.C.-based trade group launched last year that represents Oracle and myriad AI companies.
Polling shows that data centers are less popular than the use of artificial intelligence overall, Max told me, so more needs to be done to communicate the benefits that come from their development – including empowering AI. “The best thing the industry could start to do is, for the people in these zip codes with the data centers, those people need to more tangibly feel the benefits of it.”
Many in the data center development space are responding quickly to these concerns. Companies are clearly trying to get out ahead on energy, with the biggest example arriving this week from Microsoft, which pledged to pay more for the electricity it uses to power its data centers. “It’s about balancing that demand and market with these concerns. That’s why you're seeing the industry lean in on these issues and more proactively communicating with communities,” said Dan Diorio, state policy director for the Data Center Coalition.
There’s also an effort underway to develop national guidance for data centers led by the National Electrical Manufacturers Association, the American Society of Heating, Refrigerating, and Air-Conditioning Engineers, and the Pacific Northwest National Laboratory, expected to surface publicly by this summer. Some of the guidance has already been published, such as this document on energy storage best practices, which is intended to help data centers know how to properly use solutions that can avoid diesel generators, an environmental concern in communities. But the guidance will ultimately include discussions of cooling, too, which can be a water-intensive practice.
“It’s a great example of an instance where industry is coming together and realizing there’s a need for guidance. There’s a very rapidly developing sector here that uses electricity in a fundamentally different way, that’s almost unprecedented,” Patrick Hughes, senior vice president of strategy, technical, and industry affairs for NEMA, told me in an interview Monday.
Personally, I’m unsure whether these voluntary efforts will be enough to assuage the concerns of local officials. It certainly isn’t convincing folks like Jon Green, a member of the Board of Supervisors in Johnson County, Iowa. Johnson County is a populous area, home to the University of Iowa campus, and Green told me that to date it hasn’t really gotten any interest from data center developers. But that didn’t stop the county from instituting a one-year moratorium in 2025 to block projects and give time for them to develop regulations.
I asked Green if there’s a form of responsible data center development. “I don’t know if there is, at least where they’re going to be economically feasible,” he told me. “If we say they’ve got to erect 40 wind turbines and 160 acres of solar in order to power a data center, I don’t know if when they do their cost analysis that it’ll pencil out.”
Plus a storage success near Springfield, Massachusetts, and more of the week’s biggest renewables fights.
1. Sacramento County, California – A large solar farm might go belly-up thanks to a fickle utility and fears of damage to old growth trees.
2. Hampden County, Massachusetts – The small Commonwealth city of Agawam, just outside of Springfield, is the latest site of a Massachusetts uproar over battery storage…
3. Washtenaw County, Michigan – The city of Saline southwest of Detroit is now banning data centers for at least a year – and also drafting regulations around renewable energy.
4. Dane County, Wisconsin – Another city with a fresh data center moratorium this week: Madison, home of the Wisconsin Badgers.
5. Hood County, Texas – Last but not least, I bring you one final stop on the apparent data center damnation tour: Hood County, south of the Texas city of Fort Worth.