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Republicans seem intent on making the Inflation Reduction Act an electoral issue.

If Republicans repeal parts of a climate law that nobody knew about, did they ever exist?
On Thursday, the Republican-controlled House passed the “Lower Energy Costs Act,” which would not only accelerate fossil fuel projects but also take a blade to a few key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act. As legislation, the Republican bill is “dead on arrival” in the Senate and stands almost no chance of being passed into law. But it should still be a wakeup call that America’s historic piece of climate legislation isn’t entirely safe.
The stakes are amplified by the fact that while the Inflation Reduction Act is fairly popular on the surface, the public is still pretty clueless about it.
In December, the Yale Program on Climate Communications found that when people were provided with a brief description of the new law, about two in three registered voters, or 68%, said they supported it. That included 66% of those who identified as “liberal” or “moderate” Republicans. But the same poll found that 57% of voters hadn’t heard much about the legislation. That still seems to be the case, as the Heatmap Climate Poll, conducted in February by Benenson Strategy Group, found that some 63% of Americans have heard “not much” or “nothing” about what is contained in the Inflation Reduction Act. I can also personally confirm that no one seems to know what the hell it is by the blank stares I receive whenever people ask me what I’ve been writing about recently.
Though Biden‘s stance on climate policy was a major draw for voters during the election, 53% of Democrats and 73% of independents reported not hearing much about his signature climate package, per the Heatmap poll.
Provisions like the electric vehicle tax credit, which has been grabbing headlines for months, are somehow failing to appear on many people’s radar. Even 62% of people who said they "wanted to drive an electric vehicle in the future" also reported that they didn't know much about the IRA, and 45% of all respondents reported they weren't aware of the tax credit until taking Heatmap's survey.
It’s not exactly a surprise that people don’t know the ins and outs of a 700-plus page mega-bill that went by several different names over the course of more than a year of grueling, will-they-or-won’t-they-pass it negotiations. The fact that the biggest climate and clean energy package in history is called “The Inflation Reduction Act” doesn’t help, either.
It’s clear that once people learn about what’s in it, those provisions will be popular, said Jamal Raad, co-founder and senior advisor for Evergreen Action, a climate policy advocacy group. Indeed, the Yale survey found that when asked if they support government subsidies for renewable energy, electric vehicles, and home energy efficiency, most Americans said yes. “The challenge of the movement and the administration and others is to tell the story of the clean energy future we’re building. The polling suggests that that work still lies ahead of us,” said Raad.
To be clear, the Republican bill doesn’t entirely repeal the Inflation Reduction Act. It would eliminate a fee on methane emissions and a $27 billion Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, much of which is dedicated to spurring renewable energy projects in low-income communities. A section titled “Homeowner Energy Freedom” contains provisions that would cut rebates and contractor training for installing energy efficient, electric appliances like heat pumps and induction stoves.
There was already a question about whether some of these programs would actually reach the public, as they rely on states to apply for the funding and distribute it. “There’s a risk of Republican governors deciding they’re not going to take advantage of projects or programs,” said Josh Freed, who leads the climate and energy program at the center-left think tank Third Way. He said it was a problem that advocates like himself need to think through. “How do we communicate to voters that the decisions that governors are making are literally hurting their pockets?”
It also won’t help that navigating the web of tax credits and rebates has already been a challenge for consumers. On Friday, the Treasury Department unveiled new rules for the electric vehicle tax credit that will probably dramatically scale back which models qualify, at least in the short term. Some homeowners eager to take advantage of rebates to replace their boilers and water heaters with electric versions have come up against skeptical contractors who barely understand how the rebates work themselves.
Still, Raad thinks the public will begin to feel the benefits of the Inflation Reduction Act soon enough, due to the nature of some of the other provisions, like federal tax credits for wind and solar farms and domestic manufacturing. “You will see major investment in rural and Republican areas just due to the nature of where clean energy is. So the tax credits are a pretty decent check on these funds being distributed pretty much across the country,” he said.
At least so far, those tax credits don’t appear to be on Republicans’ short list to nix. To Raad, the House energy package that passed this week was more about appealing to Republican donors in the fossil fuel industry, who want support for more drilling, than riling up the conservative base. But some members of Congress have indicated it’s just the beginning of a push for full repeal.
“They’re gonna have to try to point to some things that they’re doing to govern, and energy seems to be one of those things that they have enough agreement on that they can actually introduce legislation,” said Freed. “Whether there's a broader appeal to the public than Republican primary voters is a very big question. But I think they’re gonna keep going after it.”
The Heatmap Climate Poll of 1,000 American adults was conducted via online panels by Benenson Strategy Group from Feb. 15 to 20, 2023. The survey included interviews with Americans in all 50 states and Washington, D.C. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus 3.02 percentage points. You can read more about the topline results here.
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1. Marion County, Indiana — State legislators made a U-turn this week in Indiana.
2. Baldwin County, Alabama — Alabamians are fighting a solar project they say was dropped into their laps without adequate warning.
3. Orleans Parish, Louisiana — The Crescent City has closed its doors to data centers, at least until next year.
A conversation with Emily Pritzkow of Wisconsin Building Trades
This week’s conversation is with Emily Pritzkow, executive director for the Wisconsin Building Trades, which represents over 40,000 workers at 15 unions, including the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, the International Union of Operating Engineers, and the Wisconsin Pipe Trades Association. I wanted to speak with her about the kinds of jobs needed to build and maintain data centers and whether they have a big impact on how communities view a project. Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
So first of all, how do data centers actually drive employment for your members?
From an infrastructure perspective, these are massive hyperscale projects. They require extensive electrical infrastructure and really sophisticated cooling systems, work that will sustain our building trades workforce for years – and beyond, because as you probably see, these facilities often expand. Within the building trades, we see the most work on these projects. Our electricians and almost every other skilled trade you can think of, they’re on site not only building facilities but maintaining them after the fact.
We also view it through the lens of requiring our skilled trades to be there for ongoing maintenance, system upgrades, and emergency repairs.
What’s the access level for these jobs?
If you have a union signatory employer and you work for them, you will need to complete an apprenticeship to get the skills you need, or it can be through the union directly. It’s folks from all ranges of life, whether they’re just graduating from high school or, well, I was recently talking to an office manager who had a 50-year-old apprentice.
These apprenticeship programs are done at our training centers. They’re funded through contributions from our journey workers and from our signatory contractors. We have programs without taxpayer dollars and use our existing workforce to bring on the next generation.
Where’s the interest in these jobs at the moment? I’m trying to understand the extent to which potential employment benefits are welcomed by communities with data center development.
This is a hot topic right now. And it’s a complicated topic and an issue that’s evolving – technology is evolving. But what we do find is engagement from the trades is a huge benefit to these projects when they come to a community because we are the community. We have operated in Wisconsin for 130 years. Our partnership with our building trades unions is often viewed by local stakeholders as the first step of building trust, frankly; they know that when we’re on a project, it’s their neighbors getting good jobs and their kids being able to perhaps train in their own backyard. And local officials know our track record. We’re accountable to stakeholders.
We are a valuable player when we are engaged and involved in these sting decisions.
When do you get engaged and to what extent?
Everyone operates differently but we often get engaged pretty early on because, obviously, our workforce is necessary to build the project. They need the manpower, they need to talk to us early on about what pipeline we have for the work. We need to talk about build-out expectations and timelines and apprenticeship recruitment, so we’re involved early on. We’ve had notable partnerships, like Microsoft in southeast Wisconsin. They’re now the single largest taxpayer in Racine County. That project is now looking to expand.
When we are involved early on, it really shows what can happen. And there are incredible stories coming out of that job site every day about what that work has meant for our union members.
To what extent are some of these communities taking in the labor piece when it comes to data centers?
I think that’s a challenging question to answer because it varies on the individual person, on what their priority is as a member of a community. What they know, what they prioritize.
Across the board, again, we’re a known entity. We are not an external player; we live in these communities and often have training centers in them. They know the value that comes from our workers and the careers we provide.
I don’t think I’ve seen anyone who says that is a bad thing. But I do think there are other factors people are weighing when they’re considering these projects and they’re incredibly personal.
How do you reckon with the personal nature of this issue, given the employment of your members is also at stake? How do you grapple with that?
Well, look, we respect, over anything else, local decision-making. That’s how this should work.
We’re not here to push through something that is not embraced by communities. We are there to answer questions and good actors and provide information about our workforce, what it can mean. But these are decisions individual communities need to make together.
What sorts of communities are welcoming these projects, from your perspective?
That’s another challenging question because I think we only have a few to go off of here.
I would say more information earlier on the better. That’s true in any case, but especially with this. For us, when we go about our day-to-day activities, that is how our most successful projects work. Good communication. Time to think things through. It is very early days, so we have some great success stories we can point to but definitely more to come.
The number of data centers opposed in Republican-voting areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
It’s probably an exaggeration to say that there are more alligators than people in Colleton County, South Carolina, but it’s close. A rural swath of the Lowcountry that went for Trump by almost 20%, the “alligator alley” is nearly 10% coastal marshes and wetlands, and is home to one of the largest undeveloped watersheds in the nation. Only 38,600 people — about the population of New York’s Kew Gardens neighborhood — call the county home.
Colleton County could soon have a new landmark, though: South Carolina’s first gigawatt data center project, proposed by Eagle Rock Partners.
That’s if it overcomes mounting local opposition, however. Although the White House has drummed up data centers as the key to beating China in the race for AI dominance, Heatmap Pro data indicate that a backlash is growing from deep within President Donald Trump’s strongholds in rural America.
According to Heatmap Pro data, there are 129 embattled data centers located in Republican-voting areas. The vast majority of these counties are rural; just six occurred in counties with more than 1,000 people per square mile. That’s compared with 93 projects opposed in Democratic areas, which are much more evenly distributed across rural and more urban areas.
Most of this opposition is fairly recent. Six months ago, only 28 data centers proposed in low-density, Trump-friendly countries faced community opposition. In the past six months, that number has jumped by 95 projects. Heatmap’s data “shows there is a split, especially if you look at where data centers have been opposed over the past six months or so,” says Charlie Clynes, a data analyst with Heatmap Pro. “Most of the data centers facing new fights are in Republican places that are relatively sparsely populated, and so you’re seeing more conflict there than in Democratic areas, especially in Democratic areas that are sparsely populated.”
All in all, the number of data centers that have faced opposition in Republican areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
Our polling reflects the breakdown in the GOP: Rural Republicans exhibit greater resistance to hypothetical data center projects in their communities than urban Republicans: only 45% of GOP voters in rural areas support data centers being built nearby, compared with nearly 60% of urban Republicans.

Such a pattern recently played out in Livingston County, Michigan, a farming area that went 61% for President Donald Trump, and “is known for being friendly to businesses.” Like Colleton County, the Michigan county has low population density; last fall, hundreds of the residents of Howell Township attended public meetings to oppose Meta’s proposed 1,000-acre, $1 billion AI training data center in their community. Ultimately, the uprising was successful, and the developer withdrew the Livingston County project.
Across the five case studies I looked at today for The Fight — in addition to Colleton and Livingston Counties, Carson County, Texas; Tucker County, West Virginia; and Columbia County, Georgia, are three other red, rural examples of communities that opposed data centers, albeit without success — opposition tended to be rooted in concerns about water consumption, noise pollution, and environmental degradation. Returning to South Carolina for a moment: One of the two Colleton residents suing the county for its data center-friendly zoning ordinance wrote in a press release that he is doing so because “we cannot allow” a data center “to threaten our star-filled night skies, natural quiet, and enjoyment of landscapes with light, water, and noise pollution.” (In general, our polling has found that people who strongly oppose clean energy are also most likely to oppose data centers.)
Rural Republicans’ recent turn on data centers is significant. Of 222 data centers that have faced or are currently facing opposition, the majority — 55% —are located in red low-population-density areas. Developers take note: Contrary to their sleepy outside appearances, counties like South Carolina’s alligator alley clearly have teeth.