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Republicans seem intent on making the Inflation Reduction Act an electoral issue.

If Republicans repeal parts of a climate law that nobody knew about, did they ever exist?
On Thursday, the Republican-controlled House passed the “Lower Energy Costs Act,” which would not only accelerate fossil fuel projects but also take a blade to a few key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act. As legislation, the Republican bill is “dead on arrival” in the Senate and stands almost no chance of being passed into law. But it should still be a wakeup call that America’s historic piece of climate legislation isn’t entirely safe.
The stakes are amplified by the fact that while the Inflation Reduction Act is fairly popular on the surface, the public is still pretty clueless about it.
In December, the Yale Program on Climate Communications found that when people were provided with a brief description of the new law, about two in three registered voters, or 68%, said they supported it. That included 66% of those who identified as “liberal” or “moderate” Republicans. But the same poll found that 57% of voters hadn’t heard much about the legislation. That still seems to be the case, as the Heatmap Climate Poll, conducted in February by Benenson Strategy Group, found that some 63% of Americans have heard “not much” or “nothing” about what is contained in the Inflation Reduction Act. I can also personally confirm that no one seems to know what the hell it is by the blank stares I receive whenever people ask me what I’ve been writing about recently.
Though Biden‘s stance on climate policy was a major draw for voters during the election, 53% of Democrats and 73% of independents reported not hearing much about his signature climate package, per the Heatmap poll.
Provisions like the electric vehicle tax credit, which has been grabbing headlines for months, are somehow failing to appear on many people’s radar. Even 62% of people who said they "wanted to drive an electric vehicle in the future" also reported that they didn't know much about the IRA, and 45% of all respondents reported they weren't aware of the tax credit until taking Heatmap's survey.
It’s not exactly a surprise that people don’t know the ins and outs of a 700-plus page mega-bill that went by several different names over the course of more than a year of grueling, will-they-or-won’t-they-pass it negotiations. The fact that the biggest climate and clean energy package in history is called “The Inflation Reduction Act” doesn’t help, either.
It’s clear that once people learn about what’s in it, those provisions will be popular, said Jamal Raad, co-founder and senior advisor for Evergreen Action, a climate policy advocacy group. Indeed, the Yale survey found that when asked if they support government subsidies for renewable energy, electric vehicles, and home energy efficiency, most Americans said yes. “The challenge of the movement and the administration and others is to tell the story of the clean energy future we’re building. The polling suggests that that work still lies ahead of us,” said Raad.
To be clear, the Republican bill doesn’t entirely repeal the Inflation Reduction Act. It would eliminate a fee on methane emissions and a $27 billion Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, much of which is dedicated to spurring renewable energy projects in low-income communities. A section titled “Homeowner Energy Freedom” contains provisions that would cut rebates and contractor training for installing energy efficient, electric appliances like heat pumps and induction stoves.
There was already a question about whether some of these programs would actually reach the public, as they rely on states to apply for the funding and distribute it. “There’s a risk of Republican governors deciding they’re not going to take advantage of projects or programs,” said Josh Freed, who leads the climate and energy program at the center-left think tank Third Way. He said it was a problem that advocates like himself need to think through. “How do we communicate to voters that the decisions that governors are making are literally hurting their pockets?”
It also won’t help that navigating the web of tax credits and rebates has already been a challenge for consumers. On Friday, the Treasury Department unveiled new rules for the electric vehicle tax credit that will probably dramatically scale back which models qualify, at least in the short term. Some homeowners eager to take advantage of rebates to replace their boilers and water heaters with electric versions have come up against skeptical contractors who barely understand how the rebates work themselves.
Still, Raad thinks the public will begin to feel the benefits of the Inflation Reduction Act soon enough, due to the nature of some of the other provisions, like federal tax credits for wind and solar farms and domestic manufacturing. “You will see major investment in rural and Republican areas just due to the nature of where clean energy is. So the tax credits are a pretty decent check on these funds being distributed pretty much across the country,” he said.
At least so far, those tax credits don’t appear to be on Republicans’ short list to nix. To Raad, the House energy package that passed this week was more about appealing to Republican donors in the fossil fuel industry, who want support for more drilling, than riling up the conservative base. But some members of Congress have indicated it’s just the beginning of a push for full repeal.
“They’re gonna have to try to point to some things that they’re doing to govern, and energy seems to be one of those things that they have enough agreement on that they can actually introduce legislation,” said Freed. “Whether there's a broader appeal to the public than Republican primary voters is a very big question. But I think they’re gonna keep going after it.”
The Heatmap Climate Poll of 1,000 American adults was conducted via online panels by Benenson Strategy Group from Feb. 15 to 20, 2023. The survey included interviews with Americans in all 50 states and Washington, D.C. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus 3.02 percentage points. You can read more about the topline results here.
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The movement against data centers is raising up a raison d'etre of the anti-renewables movement: protecting would-be farmland.
Farm owners and operators across the U.S. are winning national headlines almost every week for rejecting big dollar offers from data center developers. In Hanover County, Virginia, protestors are chanting “Grow Tomatoes, Not Data Centers.” In Pennsylvania and elsewhere, Republican legislators are mulling proposals to block the sale of so-called “prime farmland” for data center development. In Texas, the fight over data center development has engulfed the race for the state’s ag commissioner seat. In the Midwest, where agriculture reigns supreme, statewide races and congressional campaigns are slowly but surely being defined by the issue. Like in Nebraska where Austin Ahlman, an independent candidate running for Congress in Nebraska’s first district, told me he believes the data center backlash is reflective of a populist politics that broadly criticize elites and top-down control of the economy: “I think sometimes people misunderstand the anxieties of rural Americans when it comes to these data centers because a lot of their fears are about control long term.”
Unlike the farmland backlash around renewable energy development, the loudest critics are on the anti-monopolist left. On Wednesday, the prominent opposition group Food and Water Watch signaled farmland could soon be a watchword in the national data center debate – in a fashion analogous to what we’ve seen with renewable energy. The organization’s blog post entitled “The AI Data Center Boom Is Coming for Farmers” declared data centers verboten because of the threat they posed to “small and midsized family farmers.” Mitch Jones, deputy director of the campaign outfit, said he believes the threat to farmland is “a compelling reason to oppose data center development” but that his organization’s fight is primarily focused on protecting small business owners and an anti-monopoly sentiment.
“If data centers are coming into their areas, this puts even more pressure on them. It drives up the cost of their electricity, just as it does anyone else. It competes with them for water for crops, and it affects the value of their land in a perverse way,” Jones told me.
None of this should be surprising. An agricultural workforce has always been a good barometer for figuring out if a community will accept new infrastructure of any kind. We’ve seen as much time and time again with renewable energy, carbon capture, fossil energy and mining, just to name a few industries.
This same rule is true with data centers. In April, county commissioners in Kosciusko County, Indiana, unanimously rejected a Prologis data center; nearly 90% of acreage in Kosciusko County is being actively farmed, according to the Heatmap Pro database. Linn County, Iowa, in February enacted a rule severely restricting data center development in unincorporated areas; almost three-fourths of the land is used by the ag sector. A potential Amazon facility is causing heartburn in Clinton County, Ohio; nearly all land in the county is used for farming and utility-scale solar development has a recent history of conflict with landowners.
To be candid, I’m struck by the similarity in the backlash over siting data centers on farmland – a resemblance so close that some counties are starting to restrict renewable energy and data center development on farmland at the same time. This week, Eau Claire County, Wisconsin created a new “farmland preservation plan” discouraging utility-scale solar energy and data centers on any potential farmland. (More than 40% of land in this county is currently being used for farmland, according to Heatmap Pro.)
Jones at Food and Water Watch said his organization taking on the “protect farmland” mantle had nothing to do with the success this argument has had against renewable energy. “That thought never entered my head,” he told me, adding that if communities respond to the data center backlash by taking steps that short-circuit solar and wind too, that’s “a coincidence.”
I kept pressing. What if the pivot to farmland protection leads to more communities restricting renewable energy along with the data centers? “If you’re looking for a reason to oppose solar and wind, you can come up with that without having to attach data centers to it,” Jones said. “We’ve seen rural communities oppose solar and wind before data centers blew up across the country. It’s nothing new.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Virginia Beach, Virginia – The right-wing interest group lawsuit against Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind is now dead, concluding one of the wackier tales of the Trump 2.0 energy era.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – Call it the Box Elder County massacre.
3. Davidson County, Tennessee – We have the latest updates in the Nashville Zoo data center drama and they’re a doozy and a half.
4. Clark County, Ohio – Yet another utility-scale solar farm is in the Ohio state permitting graveyard.
A conversation with Hanson Wood of RWE
This week’s conversation is with Hanson Wood, chief development officer for solar developer RWE. Wood’s perspective felt crucial at a moment when the data center boom is leading to so much deal volume – even after the repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act. So I reached out to his team to see if we could talk about how he’s evaluating all things Fight-related, including the impacts of the data center backlash on solar itself. The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
How is solar finding opportunities in the data center development space? I know there’s conversations about speed-to-power and some deal volume, but help us get a better sense of the level of capacity being sought versus fossil or other forms of energy.
Great question. To contextualize, I think it just makes sense to talk about energy demand overall. Solar is filling the base of where the majority of load growth and generation is coming from and going to be served.
Over the last decade, the cost of solar has gone down dramatically. It’s become a very modular technology being deployed in a variety of locations. It can be deployed very quickly at low cost. It can ramp to meet short-term demand needs. And within the space of just energy demand, across utilities and large industrial data center companies, the reality is no single technology is going to be able to serve overall demand. Everything from solar to onshore wind and geothermal and other forms of flexible generation are needed.
What this speaks to is how our grid is pretty finite. We have to be able to mix and match a variety of products to be able to meet an ever-growing reliability need. To make it simple, I think solar’s going to serve the largest base of growing demand because it's cheap and it's available. But it’s not going to be the only technology. We need to be able to serve this load growth reliably. And we know this is going to require a diversity of technologies.
From a social license perspective, does solar power for a data center make it more acceptable for a community? Less acceptable? More friendly?
One thing I want to be clear about: I don’t develop data centers. So I’m looking at it through the same view many people in the industry and the public see it.
I think there’s manifold reasons why people have concerns about data centers, overall. I can’t speak for all of them. But what solar does address is, we don’t want to see large price spikes in the short term and solar can really help in that regard. It can provide near-term generation immediately in a lot of instances at one of the lowest costs in the market.
Whether the broader public makes that connection, it’s probably too early to see. There’s probably a lot of anxiety that has to be addressed by that [data center] community.
When it comes to the state of solar development, have the feelings around data center infrastructure we’ve seen in various places impacted solar projects?
Solar is more often in what we consider rural areas where there’s more of a conservative viewpoint generally.
Where I think we stand in the solar industry is that in the 2010s we were looked at as a one-off, and now what we see as the challenge is that as solar scales, communities are looking at the scale and potential of what solar will be bringing. A lot of the conversations we have with [them] are, is this changing the local character? How is this impacting our way of life?
And the way we try to approach that is to highlight a lot of the public benefits. Renewables are generating significant jobs, locally as well as through funding local services. Farmers setting aside land for renewables are also funding their farms and way of life. I’ve heard testimonials from farmers who’ve said they wouldn’t be able to continue on without the revenue from solar or BESS projects.
The broader community is concerned solar is displacing rural farming, but what we hear from rural landowners is that these projects are allowing them to keep their farms.
Most people when they start looking at renewables, they don’t make that connection. They’re primed to ask, what’s the downside here? But it’s nothing in terms of physical land while the economic value it brings is long-term. It’s 30 years — at a time when the American public is seeing lots of headwinds.
I know at a broader level, you’re addressing the conflicts in solar energy. Do you think the solar industry offers any lessons for the folks now trying to get data centers built?
Anyone who is building large infrastructure projects can’t ignore early community engagement. One of the things people should be thinking about as they’re developing projects is these things are going to be here 20, 30 years, right? When we develop those projects we are trying to build relationships in a sustainable fashion.
We really take into consideration the concerns we hear. Again, people are primed to see the downside in any development, and without that early engagement – genuinely – you risk whether other people come along and hear the benefits or feel like their voice mattered in the process of development.