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McCarthy spoke for the trees.
The environmental movement likely won’t be missing Kevin McCarthy much.
His Bakersfield-based district is one of the centers of the California oil industry. The first major bill his House majority voted for would have scrapped a multi-billion dollar fund for clean energy investments in disadvantaged communities. He often took the side of agricultural interests in the Central Valley against environmentalists when it came to water policy. Environmentalist groups like Earthjustice and the Sierra Club have been criticizing him for literally more than a decade. The McCarthy-run House of Representatives passed bills (never turned into law) that would have undone swathes of the Inflation Reduction Act’s climate provisions and eased fossil fuel development.
But he has a thing for trees. The speaker of the House typically doesn’t directly sponsor much legislation, so it was noteworthy when McCarthy introduced a bill on Arbor Day with a fleet of Republican and Democratic co-sponsors, especially from his home state of California, called the Save Our Sequoias Act. McCarthy’s district doesn’t just include some of California’s oil industry, but also Sequoia National Park, which contains the massive General Sherman Tree, which stretches 275 feet into the air from a 36-foot diameter base.
The bill, which McCarthy introduced in 2022 as well, would codify existing relationships between different governments to protect the trees, fund a grant program to remove fuel — dry leaves, fallen branches, etc — around the trees, make it easier for private donors to fund programs for the trees, and allow projects to protect the trees to circumvent the usual environmental permitting process.
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It was this last part that provoked many prominent environmental groups to oppose the bill, including the Sierra Club, the Natural Resources Defense Council, Earthjustice, and the League of Conservation Voters. When the bill was introduced earlier this year, an Earthjustice official called it “a misguided solution in search of a problem that could set a dangerous precedent for gutting environmental laws.”
The coalition formed to support the bill was a collection of industry groups, including those representing the logging industry and the Chamber of Commerce, free market or conservative environmentalist groups like the Property and Environment Research Center and American Conservation Coalition Action, as well as local statewide governments and conservation groups in California.
In other words, it’s what it looks like when a Republican tries to pass a conservation bill: a combination of intense local interest and trying to bring on as many of the party’s traditional business partners as possible.
The bill also had the influential co-sponsorship of Bruce Westerman, the Republican congressman from Arkansas who chairs the House Committee on Natural Resources. “Our priorities remain unchanged,” Rebekah Hoshiko, the committee’s communications director, told me in an email. “The Save Our Sequoias Act already passed out of committee and has overwhelmingly bipartisan support, and we will continue to advocate for it and our many other bills as they move through the legislative process.” The bill currently sits with the House Agriculture Committee.
Groups that focus on conserving these massive trees hope the bill will survive. The Save the Redwoods League told me in a statement that it is “optimistic about the opportunity that the Save Our Sequoias Act presents.”
For conservatives interested in climate change and conservation policy, the bill was an example of what they see as potential for other House leaders to craft bipartisan legislation. Stephen Perkins, the chief operating officer of the American Conservation Coalition Action, described the bill as “conservation policy that’s also climate action.”
The Save Our Sequoias Act, Perkins said, was able to attract a bipartisan coalition because, for Democrats, it presented both a conservation and climate win — “wildfires and forest management play a direct role in keeping emissions in line and keeping emissions goals” — while, for industry and conservative groups, “it’s about keeping communities functioning and state economies in a good place.”
And it also may present a kind of framework for another area of potential bipartisan overlap that McCarthy had shown some openness too: permitting reform. The exception carved out of environmental regulations for Giant Sequoia conservation was relatively small, but both Republicans and Democrats have shown some interest in a more general overhaul of federal environmental laws that, for Republicans, would limit reviews for all projects and for Democrats would hopefully make it easier to build renewable energy and especially transmission infrastructure. And McCarthy's own district doesn't just have oil in the ground, it also has energy in the sky, with windy mountain passes in the Tehachapis and the baking hot Mojave Desert.
The House Republican likely to negotiate any permitting deal, Louisiana Representative Garrett Graves, has been described as McCarthy’s ”wingman.”
While Perkins wouldn’t say who he or his group preferred among the crop of candidates to replace McCarthy, he did say that the “next speaker can’t ignore the opportunity to work on permitting reform,” noting that many young Republicans think the party should pay more attention to climate change.
“We’re willing to work with anyone and we have worked with all of the representatives from the majority leader to the whip and so on and so forth. We’re confident that whenever a new speaker is [elected], we’ll be able to pick up conversations when we left them off with Speaker McCarthy.”
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Rob and Jesse talk with Michael Grunwald, author of the new book We Are Eating the Earth.
Food is a huge climate problem. It’s responsible for somewhere between a quarter and a third of global greenhouse gas emissions, but it concerns a much smaller share of global climate policy. And what policy does exist is often … pretty bad.
On this week’s episode of Shift Key, Rob and Jesse talk with Michael Grunwald, the author of the new book We Are Eating the Earth. It’s a book about land as much as it’s a book about food — because no matter how much energy abundance we ultimately achieve, we’re stuck with the amount of land we’ve got.
Grunwald is a giant of climate journalism and a Heatmap contributor, and he has previously written books about the Florida everglades and the Obama recovery act. Shift Key is hosted by Jesse Jenkins, a professor of energy systems engineering at Princeton University, and Robinson Meyer, Heatmap’s executive editor.
Subscribe to “Shift Key” and find this episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts.
You can also add the show’s RSS feed to your podcast app to follow us directly.
Here is an excerpt from our conversation:
Robinson Meyer: How did writing the book change how you, yourself, approached food — or you, yourself, eat? Do you find yourself eating less meat now? Do you find yourself eating less dairy?
Michael Grunwald: I cut out beef pretty early in my reporting. It became really obvious early on that beef is the baddie. I mean, if you’re a vegan, that’s amazing. That’s the best thing you can do from a climate perspective. If you’re vegetarian, that’s also great. But it turns out that cutting out beef is about as good as going vegetarian because vegetarians tend to eat more dairy, and cows are really the problem.
Beef is like, use 10 times more land and generate 10 times more emissions than chicken or pork. And yeah, chicken or pork are worse than beans and lentils. But I, like many people are weak. I’m a hypocrite. I feel like this stuff, it’s sort of like organized religion — you have to find the level of hypocrisy that you’re comfortable with. And I couldn’t justify continuing to eat beef while writing a book about how beef is really the problem, and we need to eat less beef and better beef.
But look, you know, our ancestors started eating meat 2 million years ago, and we’re really, I think, kind of hardwired to eat it. That said, I have stuck to it. I write in the book about how I did a bunch of reporting on cattle ranches in Brazil, and I spent two weeks sort of trying to think about how we could have better beef. And I did fall off the wagon during those two weeks because like, steak is delicious. People told me that, you know, Oh, if you’re still eating chicken and pork, after a month, you won’t even miss beef. And they lied. I still miss beef.
But look, I do think — and we can talk about this — I know in the climate world it’s become kind of uncool to talk about individual action. There’s this whole spate of stories about like, you know, I’m in the climate movement and I don’t care if you recycle, or veganism isn’t gonna save the world. But I honestly think, first of all, emissions are us. JBS and Donald Trump and McDonald’s are not forcing us to eat all this beef. These are decisions we make. Second of all, that if we do take this seriously as a climate crisis — I mean, it’s true. Policy is going to matter more. Corporate behavior is going to matter a lot. But individual emissions matter, too. And I don’t like the idea of people saying, like, Yeah, this is a horrible crisis, but also your emissions don’t matter.
I guess I understand enviros don’t want to sound like scolds. They used to have a bad reputation. But honestly, I think … well, now I think their reputation is for ineffectual rather than scoldy. And I think I liked it better when they were scoldy.
Mentioned:
Preorder We Are Eating the Earth
The real war on coal, by Michael Grunwald
The Senate GOP’s seismic overhaul of clean energy tax credits
Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.
And it only gets worse from here.
Hot and humid weather stretching from Maine to Missouri is causing havoc for grid operators: blackouts, brownouts, emergency authorizations to exceed environmental restrictions, and high prices.
But in terms of what is on the grid and what is demanded of it, this may be the easiest summer for a long time.
That’s because demands on the grid are growing at the same time the resources powering it are changing. Between broad-based electrification, manufacturing additions, and especially data center construction, electricity load growth is forecast to grow several percent a year through at least the end of the decade. At the same time, aging plants reliant on oil, gas, and coal are being retired (although planned retirements are slowing down), while new resources, largely solar and batteries, are often stuck in long interconnection queues — and, when they do come online, offer unique challenges to grid operators when demand is high.
For the previous 20 years, load growth has been relatively steady, Abe Silverman, a research scholar at Johns Hopkins, explained to me. “What’s different is that load is trending up,” he said. “When you’re buying and making arrangements for the summer, you have to aim a bit higher.”
Nowhere is the combined and uneven development of the grid’s supply and demand more evident than in PJM Interconnection, the country’s largest electricity market, spanning from Washington, D.C. to Chicago. The grid now has to serve new load in Virginia’s “data center alley,” while aggressive public policy promoting renewables in states such as Maryland and New Jersey has made planning more complicated thanks to the different energy generation and economic profiles of wind, solar, and batteries compared to gas and coal.
PJM hit peak load on Monday of just over 161,000 megawatts, within kissing distance of its all-time record of 165,500 megawatts and far north of last year’s high demand of 152,700, with load hitting at least 158,000 megawatts on Tuesday. Forecast high load this year was around 154,000 megawatts. Earlier this spring, PJM warned that for the first time, “available generation capacity may fall short of required reserves in an extreme planning scenario that would result in an all-time PJM peak load of more than 166,000 megawatts.”
While that extreme demand has not been seen on the grid during this present heat wave, we’re still early in the year. Typically, PJM’s demand peaks in July or even August; according to the consulting firm ICF, the last June peak was in 2014, while demand last year peaked in July. On Monday, real time prices got just over $3,000 a megawatt, and reached just over $1,800 on Tuesday.
“This is a big test. A lot of capacity has retired since 2006 and the resource mix has changed some,” Connor Waldoch, head of strategy at GridStatus, told me. While exact data on the resource mix over the past 20 years isn’t available, Waldoch said that many of the fossil fuel plants on the grid — including those that help set the price of electricity — are quite old.
PJM’s operators have issued a “maximum generation alert” that will extend to Wednesday, warning generators and transmission owners to defer or cancel maintenance so that “units stay online and continue to produce energy that is needed.”
PJM also issued a load management alert, a warning that PJM may call upon some 8,000 megawatts of electricity users who have been paid in advance to reduce demand when the grid calls for it. Already, some large users of electricity in Virginia have reduced their power demand as part of the program. There are historically around one or two uses of demand response per year in each of the electricity market’s 21 zones.
“Demand response is a real hero,” Silverman said.
Elsewhere in the hot zone, thousands of customers of the New York Independent Systems Operator lost or saw reduced power on Monday, along with over 100,000 customers affected by voltage reductions. On Tuesday, NYISO issued an “energy watch” meaning that “operating reserves are expected to be lower than normal,” and asking customers to reduce their power consumption.
Further north, oil and coal made up 10% of the fuel mix in ISO New England by Monday night, according to GridStatus data. The region has greatly expanded behind-the-meter solar generation since 2010, which as of 2 p.m. Monday was generating over 21% of the region’s power. But the grid as a whole hasn’t been able to keep up, thanks to a nationally anomalous shortage of gas capacity and still-insufficient battery storage. As the sun faded, so too did New England’s renewable generation.
“You don’t see coal very often in the New England fuel mix,” Waldoch told me. In fact, there is only one remaining coal plant in New England, which can typically power around 440,000 homes — though that’s based on normal electricity usage. On days like the past few, it may power far fewer.
Moving into Tuesday, Secretary of Energy Chris Wright invoked emergency authorities to allow Duke Energy in the Carolinas to run certain of its units “at their maximum generation output levels due to ongoing extreme weather conditions and to preserve the reliability of bulk electric power system.”
The strained grid and high prices come as grid operators question how effectively their current and planned generation capacity can meet future demand. These questions have become especially pressing in PJM, which last year shelled out billions of dollars in payments to largely fossil fuel generators in what’s known as a capacity auction. That’s already translating to higher costs for consumers — in some cases as high as 20%. But even that could be nothing compared to what’s coming.
“If you take the current conditions that PJM is dealing with right now and you add tens of gigawatts of data to center demand, they would be in trouble,” Pieter Mul, an energy and infrastructure advisor at PA Consulting, told me.
Right now, Mul said, PJM can muddle through. “It is all hands on deck. Our prices are quite high. They’ve invoked some various emergency conditions.” But that’s before all those data centers are even online. “It’s a 2026, ’27, and beyond question,” Mul said.
Today, however, “it’s mostly just very hot weather.”
The state’s senior senator, Thom Tillis, has been vocal about the need to maintain clean energy tax credits.
The majority of voters in North Carolina want Congress to leave the Inflation Reduction Act well enough alone, a new poll from Data for Progress finds.
The survey, which asked North Carolina voters specifically about the clean energy and climate provisions in the bill, presented respondents with a choice between two statements: “The IRA should be repealed by Congress” and “The IRA should be kept in place by Congress.” (“Don’t know” was also an option.)
The responses from voters broke down predictably along party lines, with 71% of Democrats preferring to keep the IRA in place compared to just 31% of Republicans, with half of independent voters in favor of keeping the climate law. Overall, half of North Carolina voters surveyed wanted the IRA to stick around, compared to 37% who’d rather see it go — a significant spread for a state that, prior to the passage of the climate law, was home to little in the way of clean energy development.
But North Carolina now has a lot to lose with the potential repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act, as my colleague Emily Pontecorvo has pointed out. The IRA brought more than 17,000 jobs to the state, per Climate Power, along with $20 billion in investment spread out over 34 clean energy projects. Electric vehicle and charging manufacturers in particular have flocked to the state, with Toyota investing $13.9 billion in its Liberty EV battery manufacturing facility, which opened this past April.
North Carolina Senator Thom Tillis was one of the four co-authors of a letter sent to Majority Leader John Thune in April advocating for the preservation of the law. Together, they wrote that gutting the IRA’s tax credits “would create uncertainty, jeopardizing capital allocation, long-term project planning, and job creation in the energy sector and across our broader economy.” It seems that the majority of North Carolina voters are aligned with their senator — which is lucky for him, as he’s up for reelection in 2026.