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The Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas calculated the economic cost of a really hot summer.

What happens to the economy when it gets hot and stays hot?
That’s the question a group of economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas tried to answer, looking at Texas’s record-breaking heat this summer, which strained the state’s electrical grid.
“The impact of the sometimes relentless summer 2023 heat appears to have depressed the ability of some industries to supply goods and damped consumer demand, especially for certain services,” the group said in the slightly bloodless language of economists.
Looking at a broader range of summers, in this case from 2000 to 2022, the economists found that “for every 1-degree increase in average summer temperature, Texas annual nominal GDP growth slows 0.4 percentage points.”
When looking at this past summer, the economists figured that “with this year's summer temperatures 2.5 degrees above the post-2000 average, estimates for Texas suggest, all else equal, the summer heat could have reduced annual nominal GDP growth by 1 percentage point for 2023, or about $24 billion.”
All signs pointed to economic sluggishness due to high heat. Federal Reserve banks don’t just gather and analyze a huge amount of quantitative data — on, say, employment and wages — from the regions they cover and the economy as a whole, they also systematically collect qualitative data from businesses, i.e. asking the people who run them questions.
When the Dallas Fed surveyed businesses in its region in Texas, it found that a quarter of the respondents “reported lower revenue or lower production due to the heat,” especially in the leisure and hospitality sector, which could mean anything from fewer hotel stays to fewer trips out to eat.
It wasn’t just heat depressing consumer demand for these services, but also high heat leading to a less productive workforce, the Dallas Fed analysis showed.
And these effects don’t just show up in one record breaking summer. “Analysis on data since the mid-1960s indicates an increase in summer temperatures leads to slower output growth,” the researchers wrote. “The higher the average summer temperature, the greater the impact of additional temperature increases, likely due to more adverse effects on health and productivity.”
This effect was magnified by something that will be familiar to climate scientists: nonlinearity. It’s not just that every degree increase in average summer temperature leads to some decrease in economic output, but that the effect of higher-than-average summer temperatures on economic growth is greater in already hot states, like Texas, with similar effects in nearby states like Louisiana, Arkansas, and Oklahoma.
It's easy to think of an example. Say you’re in an area where the typical summer temperature is 75 degrees Fahrenheit. If it’s actually 80 degrees out one day, you may not be very discouraged to play golf or go to an amusement park. But if it’s typically 85 degrees out, temperatures rising to 90 may encourage you to stay home.
When it’s extremely hot, people also get sick and don’t show up to work, according to data cited by the Dallas Fed, which found that “hours worked decline significantly when daily maximum temperatures rise above 85 degrees.” And, more seriously, there’s a bump in mortality from extreme heat.
With Texas summers projected to only get hotter — the state’s climatologist wrote in a report that “the typical number of triple-digit days by 2036 is projected to be substantially larger, about 40% larger than typical values so far in the 21st Century” — a mild decrease in economic growth may be the least of its climate-related problems.
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The state has terminated an agreement to develop substations and other necessary grid infrastructure to serve the now-canceled developments.
Crucial transmission for future offshore wind energy in New Jersey is scrapped for now.
The New Jersey Board of Public Utilities on Wednesday canceled the agreement it reached with PJM Interconnection in 2021 to develop wires and substations necessary to send electricity generated by offshore wind across the state. The board terminated this agreement because much of New Jersey’s expected offshore wind capacity has either been canceled by developers or indefinitely stalled by President Donald Trump, including the now-scrapped TotalEnergies projects scrubbed in a settlement with his administration.
“New Jersey is now facing a situation in which there will be no identified, large-scale in-state generation projects under active development that can make use of [the agreement] on the timeline the state and PJM initially envisioned,” the board wrote in a letter to PJM requesting termination of the agreement.
Wind energy backers are not taking this lying down. “We cannot fault the Sherrill Administration for making this decision today, but this must only be a temporary setback,” Robert Freudenberg of the New Jersey and New York-focused environmental advocacy group Regional Plan Association, said in a statement released after the agreement was canceled.
I chronicled the fight over this specific transmission infrastructure before Trump 2.0 entered office and the White House went nuclear on offshore wind. Known as the Larrabee Pre-Built Infrastructure, the proposed BPU-backed network of lines and electrical equipment resulted from years of environmental and sociological study. It was intended to connect wind projects in the Atlantic Ocean to key points on the overall grid onshore.
Activists opposed to putting turbines in the ocean saw stopping the wires as a strategy for delaying the overall construction timelines for offshore wind, intensifying both the costs and permitting headaches for all state and development stakeholders involved. Some of those fighting the wires did so based on fears that electromagnetic radiation from the transmission lines would make them sick.
The only question mark remaining is whether this means the state will try to still proceed with building any of the transmission given rising electricity demand and if these plans may be revisited at a later date. The board’s letter to PJM nods to the future, asserting that new “alternative pathways to coordinated transmission” exist because of new guidance from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. These pathways “may serve” future offshore wind projects should they be pursued, stated the letter.
Of course, anything related to offshore wind will still be conditional on the White House.
The opinion covered a host of actions the administration has taken to slow or halt renewables development.
A federal court seems to have struck down a swath of Trump administration moves to paralyze solar and wind permits.
U.S. District Judge Denise Casper on Tuesday enjoined a raft of actions by the Trump administration that delayed federal renewable energy permits, granting a request submitted by regional trade groups. The plaintiffs argued that tactics employed by various executive branch agencies to stall permits violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Casper — an Obama appointee — agreed in a 73-page opinion, asserting that the APA challenge was likely to succeed on the merits.
The ruling is a potentially fatal blow to five key methods the Trump administration has used to stymie federal renewable energy permitting. It appears to strike down the Interior Department memo requiring sign-off from Interior Secretary Doug Burgum on all major approvals, as well as instructions that the Interior and the Army Corps of Engineers prioritize “energy dense” projects in ways likely to benefit fossil fuels. Also struck down: a ban on access to a Fish and Wildlife Service species database and an Interior legal opinion targeting offshore wind leases.
Casper found a litany of reasons the five actions may have violated the Administrative Procedures Act. For example, the memo mandating political reviews was “a significant departure from [Interior] precedent,” and therefore “required a ‘more detailed justification’ than that needed for merely implementing a new policy.” The “energy density” permitting rubric, meanwhile, “conflicts” with federal laws governing federal energy leases so it likely violated the APA, the judge wrote.
What’s next is anyone’s guess. Some cynical readers may wonder whether the Supreme Court will just lift the preliminary injunction at the administration’s request. It’s worth noting Casper had the High Court’s penchant for neutralizing preliminary injunctions in mind, writing in her opinion, “The Court concludes that the scope of this requested injunctive relief is appropriate and consistent with the Supreme Court’s limitations on nationwide injunctions.”
Fights over AI-related developments outnumber those over wind farms in the Heatmap Pro database.
Local data center conflicts in the U.S. now outnumber clashes over wind farms.
More than 270 data centers have faced opposition across the country compared to 258 onshore and offshore wind projects, according to a review of data collected by Heatmap Pro. Data center battles only recently overtook wind turbines, driven by the sudden spike in backlash to data center development over the past year. It’s indicative of how the intensity of the angst over big tech infrastructure is surging past current and historic malaise against wind.
Battles over solar projects have still occurred far more often than fights over data centers — nearly twice as many times, per the data. But in terms of megawatts, the sheer amount of data center demand that has been opposed nearly equals that of solar: more than 51 gigawatts.
Taken together, these numbers describe the tremendous power involved in the data center wars, which is now comparable to the entire national fight over renewable energy. One side of the brawl is demand, the other supply. If this trend continues at this pace, it’s possible the scale of tension over data centers could one day usurp what we’ve been tracking for both solar and wind combined.