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It was approved by the House Natural Resources Committee on Thursday by a vote of 25 to 18.

A key House panel this afternoon advanced a bipartisan permitting deal that would include language appearing to bar Donald Trump or any other president from rescinding permits for energy projects.
The House Natural Resources Committee approved the SPEED Act, which would do stuff energy developers of all stripes say they want â time-clocks on when federal permits are issued and deadlines on when court challenges can be filed â by a vote of 25 to 18.
Under an amendment added by voice vote to the bill in committee, the bill now also includes language explicitly saying federal agencies cannot revoke, suspend, alter or interfere with an already-approved permit to an energy project. GOP Natural Resources chair Bruce Westerman told the audience at the bill markup that the amendment was the result of behind-the-scenes talks to try and assuage Democrats holding out over the Trump administrationâs freeze on federal permitting for renewable energy and its attacks on previously permitted offshore wind projects.
During the hearing House Democrats listed out other complaints they want addressed before giving their support, including âparityâ between renewable energy and fossil fuels in the permitting process as well as some extra mechanism against blocking projects in the bureaucratic pipeline. Itâs easy to understand why they want more assurances given rescinding permits is only one of many ways Trump has gone after renewables projects.
But as Thomas Hochman of the Foundation for American Innovation noted at a Heatmap event in D.C. on Tuesday, the oil and gas industry is also interested in neutralizing the permitting process from any tech-specific politics that could come back to bite them. âTheyâre imagining a President Newsom in 2029 and theyâre worried the same tools that have been uncovered to block wind and solar will then be used to block oil and gas.â
The bill would also insert a number of new stipulations into the permitting review process intended to move things along in a simpler, faster fashion. For example, an agency would only be able to consider impacts that "share a reasonably close causal relationship to, and are proximately caused by, the immediate project or action under consideration; and may not consider effects that are speculative, attenuated from the project or action, separate in time or place from the project or action, or in relation to separate existing or potential future projects or actions."
But judging by the final vote, itâs unclear if the amendment targeting the Trump administration will be enough to get a permitting deal across the finish line should this bill get ultimately voted out of the House by the full legislative chamber. Only two Democrats â outgoing centrist Jared Golden who helped author the bill and moderate swing district Californian Adam Gray â voted in support.
âThe Trump administration is putting culture wars ahead of lowering energy costs for the American people. Unleashing American energy means unleashing all of it, including affordable clean energy,â said Rep. Seth Magaziner, a Democrat from Rhode Island critical of Trumpâs attacks on offshore wind. Magaziner said under other circumstances he may have supported the legislation but âin order for me to vote for this bill I need strong language to ensure the Trump administration cannot continue to unfairly block clean energy projects from getting to the grid.â
Other Democrats in the hearing echoed Magazinerâs comments, and during the markup the House Sustainable Energy and Environment Coalition â a group of influential Democrats working on climate policy in the chamber â put out a statement saying their frustrations remain and demanding the bill âaffirmatively end the scorched-earth attacks on clean energy, restore permitting integrity for projects that have been unfairly targeted, and ensure fairness and neutrality going forward.â
Still, the Democrats on the Natural Resources Committee will not be able to stop the bill and it might get more support from members of the party on the House floor (the committee is usually where a lot of more progressive firebrands land). But their concerns are very much representative of what Senate Democrats might raise.
Rep. Scott Peters, a California Democrat involved in the House permitting talks, told me during a phone interview this afternoon that the language added to the bill âsolves a lot of the problem on permit certaintyâ but that getting the deal across the finish line will require solving âthe Burgum problem,â referring to Interior Secretary Doug Burgum.
Apparently, per Peters, a major Democratic sticking point is Burgumâs new layer of political review requiring him to sign off on essentially every Interior Department decision needed for permitting solar and wind projects. Any progress further will mean Republican concessions there. âSending a camera out to survey a site... the Secretary of Interior has to sign off on that, and thatâs the opposite of permitting reform.â
An ideal way to deal with the Interior Departmentâs stall tactic, he said, is to add compulsory deadlines for specific decisions to the bill so that political leaders canât sit on their hands like that. Still, Peters is optimistic after the addition of the language blocking presidents from rescinding previously-issued permits.
âToday didnât finish the job but it was a big step forward,â Peters said.
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Two new reports out this week create a seemingly contradictory portrait of the countryâs energy transition progress.
Two clean energy reports out this week offer seemingly contradictory snapshots of domestic solar and battery manufacturing. One, released Wednesday by the Rhodium Groupâs Clean Investment Monitor, shows a distinct decline in investment going into U.S. factories to make more of these technologies. The other, released today by the trade group American Clean Power Association, shows staggering recent growth in production capacity.
So which is it? Is U.S. clean energy manufacturing booming or busting?
Maybe both.
The U.S. is suddenly producing more solar and batteries than ever before â enough to meet current domestic demand â so it makes sense that investment in new factories is starting to slow. At the same time, thereâs a lot of room for growth in producing the upstream components that go into these technologies, but the U.S. is no longer as attractive a place to set up shop as it was over the past four years.
The U.S. saw 30 new utility-scale solar factories and 30 new battery factories come online last year alone, according to ACP. The country now has the capacity to meet average domestic demand for storage systems through 2030, and can produce enough solar panels to satisfy demand two times over.
In both industries, nearly all of that capacity has been added since 2022, when the Inflation Reduction Act created new subsidies for domestic manufacturing. The advanced manufacturing production tax credit incentivized not just solar and battery factories, but also all the production of components that go into these technologies, including solar and battery cells, polysilicon, wafers, and anodes. On top of these direct subsidies, the IRA generated demand for U.S.-made products by granting bonus tax credits for utility-scale solar and battery projects built with domestically produced parts.
âThe policy definitely laid the right foundation for a lot of this investment to take place,â John Hensley, ACPâs senior vice president of markets and policy analysis, told me.
Trumpâs One Big Beautiful Bill Act has changed the environment, however. The utility-scale wind and solar tax credits were supposed to apply through at least 2033, but now projects have to start construction by July 4, 2026 â just over a month from now â in order to claim them. Any of those projects that got started this year will also have to adhere to complex new sourcing rules prohibiting Chinese-made materials.
Now, dollars flowing into new U.S. solar factories appears to be on the decline. Investment fell 22% between the fourth quarter of last year and the first of 2026. Battery manufacturing investment dropped by 16%.
The reason investment is declining is not entirely because of OBBBA â itâs partly a function of the fact that a lot of the projects announced immediately after the IRA passed are entering operations, Hannah Hess, director of climate and energy at the Rhodium Group, told me.
Rhodiumâs Clean Investment Monitor tracks two metrics, announcements and investment. Announcements are when a company says itâs building a new factory or expanding an existing one, usually with some kind of projected cost. Investments are an estimate of the actual dollars spent during a given quarter on facility construction, calculated based on the total project budget and the expected amount of time it will take to complete after breaking ground.
According to Rhodiumâs data, the peak period for new solar manufacturing project announcements was the second half of 2022 through the first quarter of 2025. During that time, announcements averaged more than $2 billion per quarter. New solar factories announced this past quarter, by contrast, fell to about $350 million.
Since it can take a while to get steel in the ground, the peak period for investment was slightly later, with $13.5 billion invested between the second quarter of 2023 and the third quarter of 2025.
âWhat we were seeing in that post-IRA period was huge, almost unconstrained growth in that sector, and thatâs not happening anymore,â Hess said.
Most of this growth occurred all the way downstream, at the final product assembly level â i.e. factories making solar and battery modules that still had to import many of the components that went into them. This was the âlowest hanging fruitâ to bring to the U.S., Hensley, of ACP, told me, as the final assembly is the least technologically challenging part of the supply chain.
âThese supply chains have momentum as they get going,â he said, âso as you establish those far downstream component manufacturing, you start to recruit all of the upstream manufacturing.â In other words, a solar cell manufacturer is far more likely to build in the U.S. if thereâs a robust local market of module factories to buy the cells.
Thereâs evidence thatâs still happening in spite of changes to the tax credit structure. The ACP report says that three solar cell factories came online between 2024 and today â one per year. If all of the additional factories that have been announced are built by 2030, the U.S. will have nearly enough capacity to meet all of its own demand for solar with domestic cells. Battery cell capacity is growing even faster, with three factories as of the end of 2025 and seven more expected to be complete by the end of this year, which will produce more than enough units to meet average annual demand.
Itâs the next step up on the supply chain that spells trouble. For solar, thatâs ingots and wafers, followed by polysilicon. Today, the only producer of ingots and wafers in the U.S. is a company called Corning. It produces enough to meet about 25% of current domestic solar cell production, but cell production will more than quadruple by the end of this year compared to last year, according to ACP. Similarly, we produce enough polysilicon to meet Corningâs current needs, but not enough to meet anticipated cell demand. The announced projects in the pipeline will not add much on either front.
For batteries, itâs the anodes and cathodes. Thereâs currently one factory in California producing cathodes and at least one more under construction, but as there is nothing else in the pipeline, the ACP report expects cell manufacturers to rely on imported cathodes for the foreseeable future. Anodes are the one bright spot â thereâs one factory producing whatâs known as active anode material factory in the U.S., and four more anticipated by the end of this year. Together, they have the potential to meet demand by 2028, according to ACP.
The question now is whether that snowball effect kicked off by the IRA will continue. âA lot has changed about the outlook for future demand after the One Big Beautiful Bill Act passed,â Hess said. âWe have seen some more project cancellations and pauses in construction recently.â
Most recently, a company called Maxeon Solar Technologies canceled a $1 billion cell and module factory in New Mexico. The company had been âfighting for its lifeâ since 2024, according to Canary Media. Itâs also majority owned by a Chinese state-owned company. The
OBBBA was likely the nail in the coffin, as it penalizes solar developers who source panels from companies with Chinese ownership.
OBBBA also shortened the timeline for the wind and solar tax credits, while the Trump administrationâs hostility to wind and solar permitting has made it more difficult for projects to get built before the credits expire. Hensley said the Trump administrationâs hostility toward clean energy has added a lot of risk into the system, complicating final investment decisions for manufacturers.
On the flip side, tariffs have the potential to help some domestic producers. Duties on imports from countries such as Cambodia, India, and Vietnam, all major manufacturers of solar panels, âhave made their exports to the U.S. almost prohibitive,â Lara Hayim, the head of solar research at BloombergNEF, told me in an email. âThis sort of policy framework could continue to provide some protection for domestic manufacturers,â she said, but there are still plenty of countries with low enough tariffs that they will continue to serve the U.S. and compete with domestic manufacturers.
Hensley said that the Trump administrationâs tariffs were a double edged sword. They can help domestic manufacturers, but not if they make all of the inputs into the product more expensive.
âThatâs a problem with these blanket type of tariffs that arenât really fine-tuned to target the behavior that youâd like to see,â he told me. âI think weâre seeing a lot of that push and pull and tension in the system at the moment.â
Between Trumpâs tariffs and the OBBBA, thereâs no doubt that the manufacturing boom sparked by the IRA is slowing. But Hensley is optimistic that the progress will continue. âWe havenât attracted all of the supply chain yet. Itâs still a work in progress, but so far the signs are quite good.â
Chatting with DER Task Forceâs Duncan Campbell.
This weekâs conversation is with Duncan Campbell of DER Task Force and itâs about a big question: What makes a socially responsible data center? Campbellâs expansive background and recent focus on this issue made me take note when he recently asked that question on X. Instead of popping up in his replies, I asked him to join me here in The Fight. So shall we get started?
Oh, as always, the following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Alright letâs start with the big question: What is a socially responsible data center?
So first, thereâs water, which I think is pretty solvable.
Part of me thinks water is not even the right thing to be focusing on necessarily, and itâs surprising that it became at least for a while the center of the controversy around data centers.
I think thereâs energy, which is mostly a donât-raise-peopleâs-bills kind of thing. Or in extreme cases, actually reducing peopleâs access to energy.â
I think air pollution is another key. This is one of the biggest own-goals our [climate] space is making, because people are installing behind-the-meter power and we can talk about why theyâre doing that, the shifting reasons, but the real shame in it is you really shouldnât have to run those 24/7. If youâre building your own power plant, it should enable you to get a grid connection, because youâre bringing your own capacity and they can provide you firm service, and you should only have to run that gas plant 1% of the year, so air pollution is a non-issue. If only the grid and its institutions could get their act together, this is a no-brainer. But instead people run them 24/7.
Thereâs noise, which has been very misunderstood and bungled on a handful of well-known projects. Thatâs just a do-good engineering and site layout type of problem.
And then thereâs other. Beyond the very concrete impacts of a data center, what else can it do for the community it's siting itself in? Thatâs going to be specific for every community.
Thereâs going to be a perspective that data centers are takers. They get tax incentives. Theyâre this big new thing. If data centers were to bring something compelling when [theyâre] siting in communities, and it is specific to whatever theyâre dealing with, maybe theyâd be considered socially responsible.
I donât think I have the master answer here. Everyoneâs trying to figure it out.â
What do you hear from other folks in decarb and climate spaces when you ask this question? Do you hear people come up with solutions, or do they knock down the entire premise of the question â that there isnât such a thing as a socially responsible data center?
You get both. You definitely get both. It depends on who you're talking to.
I can understand both sides of the equation here. Thereâs definitely solutions, first of all. I do think thereâs a group of people whether it is in the energy world or the data center world or tech who would have this incredulous disbelief that anyone could not want what theyâre doing. And that then, after being poked and prodded enough, transforms into a very elitist, almost pejorative explanation of everybodyâs just NIMBYs.
I think thatâs really unproductive. It kind of just throws gas on the fire.
But thereâs a lot of people working on solutions, too. The non-firm grid service thing is just a huge opportunity. To be able to connect these sites to the grid in such a manner they either get curtailed some small amount of hours per year or they show up with accredited capacity, absolving them from curtailing. I mean, we can do that. Itâs very doable.
The second question becomes, what are the forms of accredited capacity that can be deployed quickly? I think thatâs where thereâs a lot of cool stuff around VPPs and such. Sure, build a gas power plant, run it once or twice a year. If anything thatâs good for a community â back-up power at grid scale.
Thereâs also other solutions. A really cool effort right now, former Tesla people building a purely solar and battery DC microgrid in New Mexico.
And thereâs also a lot of inertia. The folks making decisions about data centers have been doing stuff a certain way for 20 years and itâs hard to change. The inertia within the culture combined with the enormous pressure to deploy just makes it less dynamic than one would hope.
On my end, Iâve been grappling with the issue of tax revenue. Weâre seeing a declining amount of money for social services, things that can really help people for both personal and academic reasons. There's quite a bit a lot of people could say on that topic. At the same time, this is another form of industrial development. People are upset at the amount of resources going to this specific thing.
So when it comes to the data center boom in general, where do you stand on social cost-versus-benefit analysis?
Thatâs a good question. Iâm not an expert. Iâm mostly just someone who designs energy projects. But I can say where Iâm at personally.
Yeah, but isnât everyone in the energy space talking about data centers? Shouldnât we all be thinking about this?
Of course. Iâm not in a place to proclaim what is right but Iâll tell you where Iâm at right now.
With any large-scale industrial build out it is tough relative to other technological changes that were simpler at the infrastructure layer. Like, the smartphone. Massive technological change but pretty straightforward in a lot of ways. But industrial buildout stresses real physical resources, so people have much more of an opinion of whether itâs worth it or not.
Iâm pretty optimistic about AI generally. Itâs very hand-wave-y. Itâs hard to cite data or anything, because weâre talking about something that hasnât happened yet, but Iâm very optimistic about increasing the amount of intelligence we have access to per person on Earth.
A similar thing I think about is when everyone stopped getting lead poisoning all the time, we all jumped five IQ points and killed each other less. Intelligence is good. A lot of our story as a species is about increasing intelligence and learnings-per-person so we can do more. The idea that we would be able to synthesize it, operate it as a machine outside of our own bodies. It feels pretty inevitable.
Thereâs questions about what that [AI] will do to the economy and jobs, which is what people are really concerned about and is the case with any major technological change.
Are data centers being deployed at a rate and in a way that is responsible? Like, does it need to be this fast? Thatâs a question people ask and thatâs in a way the question being posed by the moratoriums. Theyâre not saying letâs ban this forever. Theyâre saying, letâs take a breather. And I do understand that.
Thereâs a lot of good solutions that could just be pursued and itâs hard for me to separate my feelings about the current path data centers are taking from what I think is objectively right. We could just be doing way better.
On the energy front, what do you make of the way our energy mix â carbon versus renewables, our resilience â is headed? And where do you think weâre heading in five years?
For the energy and climate world, this is the real question. Data centers are a complicated thing but at the end of the day, for us, theyâre a source of electricity demand.
From an electricity perspective, thereâs been no growth for 20 years. So the theory of addressing climate change was, as the old stuff breaks weâll replace it with new clean stuff. That was what we were doing, while saying, a lot of the old stuff weâll keep around. Weâll layer on the new clean stuff.
It was always the case though that we could enter a new phase of electricity growth. Actually, five years ago, when the phrase âelectrify everythingâ was coined, it explicitly became our goal! We were going to massively and rapidly grow the electricity system in order to switch industry, heating, and transport off of fossil fuels. Thatâs the right prescription, the right way to do it.
My understanding of it is that while this feels really big, because we havenât grown in so long, compared to the challenge we were all talking about doing is not big at all. It increases the challenge by 15% or 20%. Thatâs meaningful. But it just seems like we should be able to do this.
From a climate perspective, as someone whoâs been trying to do everything I can on it for a while now, I canât help but feel a little dismayed that today the growth weâre experiencing is some tiny, tiny percentage of what we actually set out to do. And itâs causing chaos. Weâre institutionally falling apart from a single percent of what our goals should be.
This is the time for the electrification case. We can all demonstrate this is possible over the next few years. I think confidence in the electricity system as our energy path can remain high. Or this utterly fails, where itâs really hard to imagine governments and businesses making any sincere attempt at a high electrification pathway.
Plus the weekâs biggest development fights.
1. LaPorte County, Indiana â If youâre wondering where data centers are still being embraced in the U.S., look no further than the northwest Indiana city of LaPorte.
2. Cumberland County, New Jersey â A broader splashback against AI infrastructure is building in South Jersey.
3. Washington County, Oregon â Hillsboro, a data center hub in Oregon, is turning to a moratorium.
4. Champaign County, Ohio â Weâre still watching the slow downfall of solar in Ohio and thereâs no sign of it getting any better.
5. Essex County, New York â Man oh man, whatâs going on with battery storage in rural pockets of the Empire State?