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Re-meet the once and future director of the Office of Management and Budget, Russell Vought.

President-elect Donald Trump spent the Friday evening before Thanksgiving filling out nearly the rest of his Cabinet. He plans for his Treasury secretary to be a hedge fund manager who’s called the Inflation Reduction Act “the Doomsday machine for the deficit”; he’s named a vaccine safety skeptic to lead the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; and his pick to head the Department of Labor is a Republican congresswoman who may want to ease the enforcement of child labor rules if confirmed.
And — in one of the most consequential moves yet for America’s standing in the fight to mitigate climate change — Trump also named Russ Vought to lead the Office of Management and Budget. The decision comes as no surprise — Vought served as deputy director of the OMB under Trump in 2018 and took over the top job in 2019, serving until the end of Trump’s first presidency. The strategic communications group Climate Power had been sounding the alarm on his potential return to the office since this spring, which included sharing their research on him with me.
Unlike many Trump administration nominees, who tend to be loyalists with limited experience in the offices they’re appointed to oversee, Vought is noteworthy for having thought long and hard about how to “purge federal agencies of nonpartisan experts” and replace them with “partisan loyalists who would willingly follow any order without question, regardless of whether it was legal, constitutional, or the right thing to do for the people,” Joe Spielberger, the policy counsel at the Project on Government Oversight, an independent and nonpartisan watchdog group, told me when I covered Vought’s agenda earlier this year.
Vought plans to do so mainly by reinstating Schedule F, a job classification that would designate at least 50,000 career civil servants as “at-will” political employees, including climate scientists National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and others who sit on committees like the Clean Air Scientific Advisory. In Vought’s words in his chapter of Project 2025, “the Biden Administration’s climate fanaticism will need a whole-of-government unwinding.” (In a recent conversation with Tucker Carlson, the pair speculated about being able to “fire them all.”) Vought already tried this once, at the end of Trump’s first term, and Biden swiftly reversed it upon taking office.
Beyond gutting America’s scientific corps, possibly for generations, if confirmed, Vought will immediately make his presence in the Trump administration felt, having spent the past few years secretly drafting “hundreds of executive orders, regulations, and memos that would lay the groundwork for rapid action on Trump’s plans,” according to reporting by CNN and based on undercover video released by the Centre for Climate Reporting, which recorded a candid conversation with former OMB director about his plans under false pretenses. “Eighty percent of my time is working on the plans of what’s necessary to take control of these bureaucracies,” Vought told his interviewers. “And we are working doggedly on that,” including by “destroying their agencies’ notion of independence.”
Though Trump (and his campaign) tried to deflect the influence of the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 roadmap for his presidency, insisting he is an independent thinker not beholden to anyone, the president-elect’s appointment of Vought and other Project 2025 authors such as Brendan Carr, Tom Homan, and John Ratcliffe to powerful posts in his administration renders those denials specious, to say the least. More crucially, it suggests a certain intellectual deferral to Vought, enthroning him as one of the key architects of Trumpism 2.0. Through his Christian nationalist group, Center for Renewing America, Vought has spread his framework for solidifying executive power (and eliminating its checks and obstacles) throughout Washington’s right-wing intellectual circles, giving him a powerful base of support.
All this from the OMB, though — one of the, let’s face it, more boring offices of government? As Vought knows, however: If you control the budget, then you do everything.
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The nearly California-based company is buying a pipeline of projects from an unnamed Japanese developer.
The energy transition isn’t static, and the companies pivoting to match the shifting needs of the moment tend to point the way to where demand is going.
Take Energy Vault. Founded by a group of Swiss engineers in 2017, the company sought to meet the swelling need for long-duration energy storage that can last beyond the four hours or so you get from a grid-scale lithium-ion battery by devising a new gravity-based systems for keeping energy stored for the long term. The problem was, there was no obvious market.
After going public in 2021 via a reverse merger with a blank-check company, Energy Vault swerved. The startup widened its focus beyond a long-duration energy storage technology critics called “obviously flawed” to energy storage in general, beefing up its portfolio of projects with traditional lithium-ion batteries and green hydrogen facilities.
Now Energy Vault is attempting to follow the well-trodden path for a Western company with a compelling technological alternative to fossil fuels: Make it big in Japan.
On Thursday, the company plans to announce its formal entry into the Japanese market through a binding agreement to buy a pipeline of battery projects from a domestic developer, I can exclusively report for Heatmap.
The move comes as East Asia braces for the worst of the energy shock emanating from the Strait of Hormuz. Despite the two-week ceasefire deal President Donald Trump announced Tuesday with Iran to reopen the waterway to tanker traffic, the market has yet to fully digest the weeks of near-total closure, as the last ships to leave the Persian Gulf are still arriving in ports to unload fuel deliveries. Countries such as Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan are particularly vulnerable to price swings due to their heavy reliance on imports of oil and liquified natural gas. Japan became especially dependent on LNG as a primary source of fuel after halting power production at most of its nuclear reactors following the 2011 Fukushima disaster.
Energy Vault declined to disclose the name of the developer from which it’s buying the projects, only describing the counterparty as a “leading” Japanese storage provider.
The deal includes 350 megawatts of “advanced-stage” battery projects that are expected to start construction by the second half of next year and begin operations in the second half of 2028. It also includes another 500 megawatts of early-stage projects, providing what the company called “a robust, multi-year growth pipeline that positions Energy Vault for long-term leadership in the Japanese energy storage market,” which it described as “one of the fastest growing and structurally advantaged” in any developed country.
The Japanese energy market allows storage companies to engage in what’s called “revenue stacking,” pulling in income from wholesale arbitrage, capacity markets, and grid-balancing services. Energy Vault said it maintains a “technology-agnostic approach,” which should allow it to take advantage of that flexibility, and touted a recent strategic partnership with the sodium-ion battery developer Peak Energy as an example of next-generation hardware it hopes to commercialize.
“Entering the Japanese market is a key component of our high-growth markets expansion strategy and represents one of the most compelling energy storage growth opportunities globally,” Robert Piconi, the chairman and chief executive of Energy Vault, told me in a statement. “Despite being a highly developed economy, Japan’s energy storage market remains significantly underpenetrated and is now entering a period of accelerated growth driven by renewable expansion and structural grid constraints.”
Current conditions: Two major storms, Tropical Cyclone Maila and Tropical Cyclone Vaianu are barreling through the South Pacific • San Juan, Puerto Rico’s capital, is on track for heavy thunderstorms with lightning throughout most of the week • Temperatures in the Philippines’ densest northern cities are set to hit 100 degrees Fahrenheit this week.
It’s become a sort of dark ritual for the past two weeks, where President Donald Trump threatens to unleash a bombing blitz on Iran’s power stations — escalating the conflict in a way that mirrors Russia’s campaign against Ukraine. Well, it’s that time again. In a Sunday post on his Truth Social network, the president said Tuesday will be what he called “power plant day,” when the United States military will target Iran’s electrical station in addition to its bridges. “There will be nothing like it,” Trump wrote with three exclamation points, before dropping an F-bomb, calling the Iranian regime “crazy bastards,” and offering a “Praise be to Allah.”
In his past threats, typically postponed by the time markets opened Monday morning, Trump emphasized that the U.S. would target “all” of Iran’s power stations. That would include the Bushehr nuclear plant, Iran’s first and only civilian atomic power station. The plant’s single Russian-made reactor came online in September 2011, just six months after the Fukushima disaster in Japan. Russia’s state-owned nuclear company, Rosatom, was working on expanding the facility with additional reactors when the war began. Rosatom has warned that U.S. and Israeli missiles struck too close for comfort to the Bushehr facility, and criticized United Nations officials for holding Washington to a different standard than Moscow. Russia’s occupation of the Zaporizhzhia atomic power plant and turning Europe’s largest nuclear station into a front line in the war with Kyiv drew widespread condemnation.
If only oil and gas were the only commodities choked off from the global economy by Iran’s military at the Strait of Hormuz. There’s helium, urea, and plastics ingredients such as polyethylene. And then, of course, there’s aluminum. Before the war, demand for aluminum had soared to record highs in China, and the U.S. had just begun laying the groundwork for a new smelter. In fact, that deal was between a U.S. company and Emirates Global Aluminum, which, as I reported in January, was looking to expand its footprint in America. Now the Abu Dhabi-based industrial giant has some problems at home. The Middle East’s biggest aluminum producer said the Al Taweelah smelter that went into emergency shutdown last week following damage from Iranian missiles and drones may take as long as a year to restore its full output. The company said Friday that it had completed its initial damage assessment and “is in contact with customers whose shipments may be impacted,” Mining.com reported.
Offshore wind is a bit like a mullet. It triggered one hell of a backlash in the U.S. But the Australians embrace it, and now it could get big in Brazil. The government in Brasilia has established the guidelines for regulating offshore wind development, including the rules for designating patches of the coast to energy production and permitting, according to offshoreWIND.biz. Back in January, Australia scheduled its first offshore wind tender for later this year, adding itself to the list of countries looking to establish or expand seaward turbine farms even as the U.S. tries to smother its nascent industry. The Netherlands just put out a tender for a gigawatt of additional offshore wind, Renewables Now reported.
Meanwhile, another of the Trump administration’s multi-pronged efforts to quash the U.S. offshore wind sector is coming in for scrutiny. Last month, as I previously wrote, the Department of the Interior brokered a deal to pay the French energy giant TotalEnergies $1 billion to shut down two offshore wind farms in the U.S. and invest instead in natural gas. Two leading progressives in Congress are now calling for the administration to halt the payment. In a letter sent last week to Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Massachusetts Senator Ed Markey called the plan “legally dubious.”
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Just a month ago, BYD unveiled newer, faster Flash Chargers, so swift they “basically make recharging your EV as quick as getting gas,” InsideEVs wrote. Now the Chinese automotive giant has already rolled out the next-generation chargers at at least 5,000 stations across China. The buildout comes as BYD races to gain a retail foothold in North America now that Canada has eased its tariffs. As I previously wrote, the company has already selected 20 sites for dealerships.
China’s wind turbine giant Mingyang is investing $10 billion into renewables, green hydrogen, and ammonia projects in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Investment Commission, a government agency, called the deal a “transformative move for the energy sector,” coming a week after the company teased a larger investment at an economic forum in Addis Ababa. Mingyang ranked as the world’s third-largest wind manufacturer by gigawatts last year, as I wrote last month, one of China’s top champions in a growing sector.

Dominica is one of the most isolated and underdeveloped island nations in the Caribbean, often called “the nature isle.” So it makes sense that the country’s population of less than 70,000 people would avoid the oil-burning trap that afflicts the power sectors in Cuba and Puerto Rico and skip straight to harvesting renewable energy from beneath the island’s charmingly not-Margaritaville-ified shores. A new 10-megawatt geothermal power plant in the inland town of Laudat has entered “advanced stages of commissioning and has started supplying electricity to the grid,” ThinkGeoEnergy reported.
PJM’s market monitor got spicy in its latest annual report.
The independent market monitor of PJM Interconnection, America’s largest electricity market spanning some or all of 13 states from the Jersey Shore to Chicago, took advantage of its latest annual report to share eye-popping figures on how data centers raise electricity costs and lambast existing proposals to fix it.
“Data center load growth is the primary reason for recent and expected capacity market conditions, including total forecast load growth, the tight supply and demand balance, and high prices,” the independent market monitor said in the report, released Thursday. Some PJM states like New Jersey and Maryland have seen some of the fastest retail electricity price hikes in the country, in part due to spiraling costs stemming from capacity auctions, in which generators bid to be available when the grid is stressed. Capacity prices have risen from $29 per megawatt-day to the statutory cap of around $330 in just a few years, costing ratepayers some $46.7 billion over the past three auctions. The total from the three prior auctions: $8.3 billion.
The independent market monitor has used its regular reports and ad hoc commentary to blame data centers for the price boom over the past few years, and its 2025 annual report was no different. “Inclusion of existing and forecast data center load growth resulted in a combined total increase in capacity market revenues” of just over $23 billion, the market monitor wrote of the past three auctions. “Large data center load additions have already had a significant and irreversible impact that will be paid through May of 2028 and will have additional significant impacts on other customers as a result of higher transmission costs, higher energy market prices and higher capacity market prices,” the report said.
The assessment comes at a moment of turmoil for PJM, which has endured pressure from energy regulators and the White House to reform itself in order to bring on more generation more quickly. Some other proposed solutions to PJM’s price woes include coming up with new rules that encourage data centers to bring their own electricity generation, co-locate with existing or planned generation, or to operate more flexibly to avoid calling on the grid at peak demand times. The White House and PJM states even called for a special auction in the system to procure $15 billion of new generation, with a proposal for how the auction would actually run expected in April, according to Julien Dumoulin-Smith, an analyst at Jefferies.
The market monitor used the report to promote its own position: That data centers should bring their own generation, and that they should have their own “expedited fast track load and generation interconnection process.” Data centers that don’t bring their own generation should then have to put up with mandatory supply curtailment by the grid in moments of peak demand.
The market monitor argued that this proposal was consistent with the White House and PJM governors’ agreed-upon principles, as well as the “ratepayer protection pledge” drawn up by the Trump administration and signed onto by most of the country’s big players in artificial intelligence to protect utility customers for higher costs stemming for data center development.
In language more stirring than is typical for a report on market operations for a regional transmission organization, the market monitor called for preserving the market-like structure of PJM and the principle that all customers be served on the grid.
“All loads should be served,” the report said. “All loads should be served reliably. The process for adding large data center loads should be transparent. All loads should benefit from competitive markets.”