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We’re still coming to terms with Winter Storm Elliot.

It’s been almost 10 months since deadly Winter Storm Elliot left a deep freeze over much of the country, resulting in widespread blackouts right before Christmas.
And ever since, electricity companies have been squabbling over the fallout with PJM Interconnection, the sprawling electricity market that stretches from the mid-Atlantic coast to the Midwest. About a quarter of the market’s capacity fell offline during the storm, with most of the blame falling on natural gas plants that were unable to deliver power. Penalties that PJM extracted from these plants drove some to bankruptcy while others went to federal energy regulators to say the penalties were too high.
Finally, on Friday, the parties told the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission that they were ready to settle. The settlement, if approved, would reduce the penalties from $1.8 billion to around $1.2 billion, which also means shaving payments to generators who were able to stay online during the storm by about a third.
But it probably won’t be the end of the story. Both the widespread failure during Elliott and the resulting tussle over how to pay for it underline just how hard it is to guarantee reliability, especially as the country becomes more electrified.
Generally, reliability on the electric grid is guaranteed by natural gas plants, which are supposed to be able to easily switch on and off to generate power when they’re needed most. In fact, about 40% of our electricity comes from natural gas. But you see the problem: When the gas system goes down, households lose access to heating, provided by natural gas directly via furnaces or by electricity via heat pumps. In the winter this means people will die.
And natural gas really did fall to pieces during the storm. According to a PJM report, “outages on gas units were primarily attributed to physical plant issues,” both because the cold made power plants inoperable and because the distribution network itself seized up, leaving gas plants unable to access the fuel they needed to produce power. This is similar to what happened during 2021’s Winter Storm Uri, a deep freeze that led to days of power outages in Texas that claimed over 200 lives.
Both situations suggest a few things: First, we need better forecasting. FERC said in its own review of the power outages that forecasts by grip operators underestimated how much electricity would be needed at peak times during the storm, in some cases by more than 10 percent.
Second, natural gas plants might not be as reliable as they’re supposed to be — and it’s unclear where the money will come from to make them more resilient.
And third, that merely incentivizing energy markets and individual generators to get this right only goes so far — huge portions of the generation fleet were unable to cope with the high demand for power, even at the risk of massive (if slightly reduced) penalties.
Electricity markets might need a little more oversight.
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The state has terminated an agreement to develop substations and other necessary grid infrastructure to serve the now-canceled developments.
Crucial transmission for future offshore wind energy in New Jersey is scrapped for now.
The New Jersey Board of Public Utilities on Wednesday canceled the agreement it reached with PJM Interconnection in 2021 to develop wires and substations necessary to send electricity generated by offshore wind across the state. The board terminated this agreement because much of New Jersey’s expected offshore wind capacity has either been canceled by developers or indefinitely stalled by President Donald Trump, including the now-scrapped TotalEnergies projects scrubbed in a settlement with his administration.
“New Jersey is now facing a situation in which there will be no identified, large-scale in-state generation projects under active development that can make use of [the agreement] on the timeline the state and PJM initially envisioned,” the board wrote in a letter to PJM requesting termination of the agreement.
Wind energy backers are not taking this lying down. “We cannot fault the Sherrill Administration for making this decision today, but this must only be a temporary setback,” Robert Freudenberg of the New Jersey and New York-focused environmental advocacy group Regional Plan Association, said in a statement released after the agreement was canceled.
I chronicled the fight over this specific transmission infrastructure before Trump 2.0 entered office and the White House went nuclear on offshore wind. Known as the Larrabee Pre-Built Infrastructure, the proposed BPU-backed network of lines and electrical equipment resulted from years of environmental and sociological study. It was intended to connect wind projects in the Atlantic Ocean to key points on the overall grid onshore.
Activists opposed to putting turbines in the ocean saw stopping the wires as a strategy for delaying the overall construction timelines for offshore wind, intensifying both the costs and permitting headaches for all state and development stakeholders involved. Some of those fighting the wires did so based on fears that electromagnetic radiation from the transmission lines would make them sick.
The only question mark remaining is whether this means the state will try to still proceed with building any of the transmission given rising electricity demand and if these plans may be revisited at a later date. The board’s letter to PJM nods to the future, asserting that new “alternative pathways to coordinated transmission” exist because of new guidance from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. These pathways “may serve” future offshore wind projects should they be pursued, stated the letter.
Of course, anything related to offshore wind will still be conditional on the White House.
The opinion covered a host of actions the administration has taken to slow or halt renewables development.
A federal court seems to have struck down a swath of Trump administration moves to paralyze solar and wind permits.
U.S. District Judge Denise Casper on Tuesday enjoined a raft of actions by the Trump administration that delayed federal renewable energy permits, granting a request submitted by regional trade groups. The plaintiffs argued that tactics employed by various executive branch agencies to stall permits violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Casper — an Obama appointee — agreed in a 73-page opinion, asserting that the APA challenge was likely to succeed on the merits.
The ruling is a potentially fatal blow to five key methods the Trump administration has used to stymie federal renewable energy permitting. It appears to strike down the Interior Department memo requiring sign-off from Interior Secretary Doug Burgum on all major approvals, as well as instructions that the Interior and the Army Corps of Engineers prioritize “energy dense” projects in ways likely to benefit fossil fuels. Also struck down: a ban on access to a Fish and Wildlife Service species database and an Interior legal opinion targeting offshore wind leases.
Casper found a litany of reasons the five actions may have violated the Administrative Procedures Act. For example, the memo mandating political reviews was “a significant departure from [Interior] precedent,” and therefore “required a ‘more detailed justification’ than that needed for merely implementing a new policy.” The “energy density” permitting rubric, meanwhile, “conflicts” with federal laws governing federal energy leases so it likely violated the APA, the judge wrote.
What’s next is anyone’s guess. Some cynical readers may wonder whether the Supreme Court will just lift the preliminary injunction at the administration’s request. It’s worth noting Casper had the High Court’s penchant for neutralizing preliminary injunctions in mind, writing in her opinion, “The Court concludes that the scope of this requested injunctive relief is appropriate and consistent with the Supreme Court’s limitations on nationwide injunctions.”
Fights over AI-related developments outnumber those over wind farms in the Heatmap Pro database.
Local data center conflicts in the U.S. now outnumber clashes over wind farms.
More than 270 data centers have faced opposition across the country compared to 258 onshore and offshore wind projects, according to a review of data collected by Heatmap Pro. Data center battles only recently overtook wind turbines, driven by the sudden spike in backlash to data center development over the past year. It’s indicative of how the intensity of the angst over big tech infrastructure is surging past current and historic malaise against wind.
Battles over solar projects have still occurred far more often than fights over data centers — nearly twice as many times, per the data. But in terms of megawatts, the sheer amount of data center demand that has been opposed nearly equals that of solar: more than 51 gigawatts.
Taken together, these numbers describe the tremendous power involved in the data center wars, which is now comparable to the entire national fight over renewable energy. One side of the brawl is demand, the other supply. If this trend continues at this pace, it’s possible the scale of tension over data centers could one day usurp what we’ve been tracking for both solar and wind combined.