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General Motors has agreed to let the United Auto Workers bargain on behalf of workers at its battery plants, union president Shawn Fain said in a livestream Friday afternoon. Fain also said that the strike, which counts around 25,000 UAW workers, would not expand, due to the progress that had been made so far.
“I was ready to call on one of GM’s most important and biggest plants to stand up,” Fain said, referring to the union’s strike strategy, where individual plant workforces walk out. “And it was that threat that brought them to the table.”
Fain was referring to an SUV manufacturing plant in Arlington, Texas. So far, the UAW has avoided striking the plants that produce the bulk of General Motors, Ford, and Stellantis’s full-size pickup trucks and SUVs, the companies' most profitable vehicles. Fain acknowledged this, saying “I’ve heard members who want to bring down the hammer strike on all the big truck plants and hit them where they hurt.” But he made it very clear that possibility remains a live option.
That the UAW’s big win was including battery manufacturing under its master agreement and that the way it won was by threatening to strike the factory that assembles Suburbans, Tahoes, Yukons, and Escalades speaks to the crossroads the union and the auto industry finds themselves at.
Even if the UAW and the Big Three recognize that their future lies in electrification, the union’s members and the automakers’ profits are intertwined with the popularity of massive gas-guzzlers.
“GM has agreed to lay the foundation for a just transition,” Fain said, referring to the battery agreement.
While the strike is over a set of “traditional” labor-relations issues like workweeks, pay, healthcare, and pensions, the UAW’s conflict with the Big Three and its wariness of the Biden administration is due to its apprehension over what an electrified auto sector looks like for its membership.
Not only are foreign and non-union domestic manufacturers expanding their EV production with the help of tax credits for buyers, the Big Three are also setting up joint battery ventures — often with federal backing — in states that are notoriously difficult to unionize. Even when Big Three battery plants do unionize, the companies have disputed their workers’ ability to join the UAW’s national contract.
General Motors has a battery plant operating in Ohio, with plans to build three more. In a statement to Reuters, GM did not address Fain’s claims that it had agreed to include battery plants in its agreement with the UAW.
When Ford got some $9.2 billion in Department of Energy financing to build battery plants in Kentucky and Tennessee, Fain blasted the Biden administration, saying, “Not only is the federal government not using its power to turn the tide – they’re actively funding the race to the bottom with billions in public money.” He asked, “Why is Joe Biden’s administration facilitating this corporate greed with taxpayer money?”
Ford said last month that it was pausing a battery plant it had planned in Michigan that had attracted fierce criticism from Republican elected officials for its proposed use of Chinese technology. Ford had agreed to a streamlined process for the plant’s workforce to unionize. The company’s chief exectuvive Jim Farley criticized the UAW, saying in a press conference last month, "Keep in mind these battery plants don’t exist yet. They’re mostly joint ventures. They’ve not been organized by the UAW yet because the workers haven’t been hired, and won't be for many years to come."
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A new PowerLines report puts the total requested increases at $31 billion — more than double the number from 2024.
Utilities asked regulators for permission to extract a lot more money from ratepayers last year.
Electric and gas utilities requested almost $31 billion worth of rate increases in 2025, according to an analysis by the energy policy nonprofit PowerLines released Thursday morning, compared to $15 billion worth of rate increases in 2024. In case you haven’t already done the math: That’s more than double what utilities asked for just a year earlier.
Utilities go to state regulators with its spending and investment plans, and those regulators decide how much of a return the utility is allowed to glean from its ratepayers on those investments. (Costs for fuel — like natural gas for a power plant — are typically passed through to customers without utilities earning a profit.) Just because a utility requests a certain level of spending does not mean that regulators will approve it. But the volume and magnitude of the increases likely means that many ratepayers will see higher bills in the coming year.
“These increases, a lot of them have not actually hit people's wallets yet,” PowerLines executive director Charles Hua told a group of reporters Wednesday afternoon. “So that shows that in 2026, the utility bills are likely to continue to rise, barring some major, sweeping action.” Those could affect some 81 million consumers, he said.
Electricity prices have gone up 6.7% in the past year, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, outpacing overall prices, which have risen 2.7%. Electricity is 37% more expensive today than it was just five years ago, a trend researchers have attributed to geographically specific factors such as costs arising from wildfires attributed to faulty utility equipment, as well as rising costs for maintaining and building out the grid itself.
These rising costs have become increasingly politically contentious, with state and local politicians using electricity markets and utilities as punching bags. Newly elected New Jersey Governor Mikie Sherrill’s first two actions in office, for instance, were both aimed at effecting a rate freeze proposal that was at the center of her campaign.
But some of the biggest rate increase requests from last year were not in the markets best known for high and rising prices: the Northeast and California. The Florida utility Florida Power and Light received permission from state regulators for $7 billion worth of rate increases, the largest such increase among the group PowerLines tracked. That figure was negotiated down from about $10 billion.
The PowerLines data is telling many consumers something they already know. Electricity is getting more expensive, and they’re not happy about it.
“In a moment where affordability concerns and pocketbook concerns remain top of mind for American consumers, electricity and gas are the two fastest drivers,” Hua said. “That is creating this sense of public and consumer frustration that we're seeing.”
A federal judge in Massachusetts ruled that construction on Vineyard Wind could proceed.
The Vineyard Wind offshore wind project can continue construction while the company’s lawsuit challenging the Trump administration’s stop work order proceeds, judge Brian E. Murphy for the District of Massachusetts ruled on Tuesday.
That makes four offshore wind farms that have now won preliminary injunctions against Trump’s freeze on the industry. Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind project, Orsted’s Revolution Wind off the coast of New England, and Equinor’s Empire Wind near Long Island, New York, have all been allowed to proceed with construction while their individual legal challenges to the stop work order play out.
The Department of the Interior attempted to pause all offshore wind construction in December, citing unspecified “national security risks identified by the Department of War.” The risks are apparently detailed in a classified report, and have been shared neither with the public nor with the offshore wind companies.
Vineyard Wind, a joint development between Avangrid Renewables and Copenhagen Infrastructure Partners, has been under construction since 2021, and is already 95% built. More than that, it’s sending power to Massachusetts customers, and will produce enough electricity to power up to 400,000 homes once it’s complete.
In court filings, the developer argued it was urgent the stop work order be lifted, as it would lose access to a key construction boat required to complete the project on March 31. The company is in the process of replacing defective blades on its last handful of turbines — a defect that was discovered after one of the blades broke in 2024, scattering shards of fiberglass into the ocean. Leaving those turbine towers standing without being able to install new blades created a safety hazard, the company said.
“If construction is not completed by that date, the partially completed wind turbines will be left in an unsafe condition and Vineyard Wind will incur a series of financial consequences that it likely could not survive,” the company wrote. The Trump administration submitted a reply denying there was any risk.
The only remaining wind farm still affected by the December pause on construction is Sunrise Wind, a 924-megawatt project being developed by Orsted and set to deliver power to New York State. A hearing for an injunction on that order is scheduled for February 2.
The Secretary of Energy announced the cuts and revisions on Thursday, though it’s unclear how many are new.
The Department of Energy announced on Thursday that it has eliminated nearly $30 billion in loans and conditional commitments for clean energy projects issued by the Biden administration. The agency is also in the process of “restructuring” or “revising” an additional $53 billion worth of loans projects, it said in a press release.
The agency did not include a list of affected projects and did not respond to an emailed request for clarification. However the announcement came in the context of a 2025 year-in-review, meaning these numbers likely include previously-announced cancellations, such as the $4.9 billion loan guarantee for the Grain Belt Express transmission line and the $3 billion partial loan guarantee to solar and storage developer Sunnova, which were terminated last year.
The only further detail included in the press release was that some $9.5 billion in funding for wind and solar projects had been eliminated and was being replaced with investments in natural gas and building up generating capacity in existing nuclear plants “that provide more affordable and reliable energy for the American people.”
A preliminary review of projects that may see their financial backing newly eliminated turned up four separate efforts to shore up Puerto Rico’s perennially battered grid with solar farms and battery storage by AES, Pattern Energy, Convergent Energy and Power, and Inifinigen. Those loan guarantees totalled about $2 billion. Another likely candidate is Sunwealth’s Project Polo, which closed a $289.7 million loan guarantee during the final days of Biden’s tenure to build solar and battery storage systems at commercial and industrial sites throughout the U.S. None of the companies responded to questions about whether their loans had been eliminated.
Moving forward, the Office of Energy Dominance Financing — previously known as the Loan Programs Office — says it has $259 billion in available loan authority, and that it plans to prioritize funding for nuclear, fossil fuel, critical mineral, geothermal energy, grid and transmission, and manufacturing and transportation projects.
Under Trump, the office has closed three loan guarantees totalling $4.1 billion to restart the Three Mile Island nuclear plant, upgrade 5,000 miles of transmission lines, and restart a coal plant in Indiana.