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With continued subsidies a big “if” going into next year, deep-pocketed purchasers will have outsized impact.

As Donald Trump prepares to take office (again), the future of the tax policy that underlies clean energy development in the United States has never been more in doubt. Will the clean energy tax credits survive? What about advanced manufacturing? Or will it just be the electric vehicle credits that get tossed aside?
In any case, one thing seems far closer to certain: Big companies, especially large technology companies, will continue to buy renewable and clean power to fulfill their own sustainability goals and keep up their massively expanding data center operations. For them, speed may be the thing that matters most, and reasonable costs and carbon abatement will have to come along with it.
From 2025 to 2028, Morgan Stanley estimates that there will be 57 gigawatts worth of demand from new data centers, with around 6 gigawatts of that currently under construction, and a substantial shortfall in available power to build everything hyperscale technology companies want. This means that there will be a huge need to buy power, no matter the tax credit situation, which would mean continued upward pressure on prices.
Even before the election, power purchase agreement prices for solar power were creeping up due to tariffs on solar equipment, according to LevelTen Energy. Those will likely be maintained and could be ramped up in the new administration.
“Repeal of the tech neutral tax credits and of the manufacturing production tax credits has the potential to increase PPA prices by almost 40%,” Nidhi Thakar, the senior vice president for policy of the Clean Energy Buyers Association, told me, referring to two of the most powerful provisions of the Inflation Reduction Act. She added that repeal would “essentially have an inflationary effect.”
“We have this opportunity right now to capture that economic development if we do things right,” Thakar said. “That is going to require having critical policies in place that are going to support the deployment of more clean firm resources on the grid.”
At least so far, the prospect of repeal has not slowed energy procurement among the biggest buyers. This month, Alphabet announced a $20 billion investment plan with Intersect Power and TPG to build carbon-free power near datacenters with the hope of bringing power and data centers online more quickly. Meta, meanwhile, announced earlier in December that it would build a $10 billion data center campus in Northeast Louisiana, complete with gas and renewable power provided by Entergy, the local utility. The project will come with “at least” 1.5 gigawatts of new renewable power, Entergy said; it also filed an application with the Louisiana utilities regulator for over 2 gigawatts of new gas-fired power plants, including two plants adjacent to the data center site, according to S&P Global Commodities Insights.
While a “double digit” increase in power purchase agreement sale prices could result from tax credits vanishing, there is still “more demand for renewable energy than supply for a whole bunch of reasons,” Peter Freed, the former director of energy strategy at Meta and the founding director of the consultancy Near Horizon Group, told me.
“Obviously the tax credits are pretty central to the pricing on projects,” he said.
Freed was enthusiastic about grid technologies that could enhance capacity, but he also acknowledged “it is very likely we’re going to have a variety of compromises that have to be made over the course of next seven, eight, nine years, in terms of how we’re going to accommodate load that’s coming in the cleanest possible way.”
“That probably means we’re seeing more gas built,” he added.
A significant portion of that gas could be built on-site. Anything involving the grid — whether fossil or renewable — involves large investments of cash and time for hyperscalers and developers. “Given the increasing time required to connect to power grids, especially in the U.S., we believe there could be more upcoming ‘off grid’ approaches to powering data centers,” Morgan Stanley analyst Stephen Byrd wrote in a note to clients. “Batteries and smaller gas-fired turbines could be combined with large combined cycle natural gas turbines to provide a robust power source.”
Elon Musk’s xAI has done this the quick-and-dirty way by installing mobile natural gas generators to power its facility in Memphis. GE Vernova, the turbine manufacturer, is also “having direct conversations with hyperscalers for gas orders,” according to Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith in a note to clients, with the first order from a hyperscaler possibly coming in the second half of next year.
Gas isn’t the only answer, however — at least not on its own. A group of energy researchers from Stripe, Paces, and Scale Microgrids, wrote in a white paper published mid-December saying that solar microgrids could provide a “fast, scalable, clean, and cheap enough” option for data center power.
These “off-grid solar microgrids” could potentially be put into operation in “around two years” and would combine solar panels, batteries, and some natural gas backup. Installed across the Southwest, they would be able to power some 1,200 gigawatts of data center demand with 90% solar power, according to Scale Microgrids’ Duncan Campbell, at costs below repowering Three Mile Island. A 44% solar system would be “essentially the same cost” as off-grid gas turbines, the whitepaper said.
No matter what solution hyperscalers pursue — bringing their own power behind the grid, locating near power on the grid, or building out more clean, firm power on local grids — the question will ultimately always be how fast they can get online.
“I think people are initially thinking about colocating a large load with a project — renewable, gas, or anything else — as a fact track to getting load online, and there’s some truth to that,” Freed told me.
“My perspective as someone who is adding new load is that you should be indifferent to location for generation,” Freed said. “What you really should be caring about is when you can interconnect and turn lights on at the scale you desire.”
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The proposal resolves an issue that has bedeviled the industry since 2022.
Is Rosemont about to be BAAJA blasted away?
In a 2022 decision formally titled Center for Biological Diversity v. U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Rosemont Copper Company its claim under the General Mining Act of 1872 did not give the company license to dump literally millions of tons of waste rock on adjacent Forest Service land. Though Rosemont argued that the use fell under the law’s provisions for “mill sites” on public lands used for mining, the court found that because the parcel in question lacked valid mining claims of its own, the Mining Act did not justify its use under its own permissive regime.
The conservative energy group ClearPath Action described the decision as “a significant departure from long-held mining practices.” Industry groups said that the decision would vastly extend and complicate the process of mining on public lands by putting areas with mineral claims into a separate legal and permitting category from adjacent land that had customarily been considered part of the mining development.
Almost immediately after the court decision, the mining industry and its allies in Congress got to work trying to “fix” the Rosemont decision in order to restore the pre-2022 status quo.
One proposed fix — the Mining Regulatory Clarity Act — has been introduced several times in both houses of Congress, including as far back as 2023 in a Senate bill co-sponsored by Catherine Cortez Masto of Nevada and Jim Risch of Idaho.
Another version of the bill, sponsored by Nevada Republican Mark Amodei, Nevada Democrat Steven Horsford, and Alaska Republican Mark Begich, passed the House of Representatives late last year with a handful of Democratic votes. Both bills would have explicitly established that miners could claim public land for waste rock disposal as long as it was “reasonably necessary” and “reasonably incident” to mineral development.
Now they may all be getting their wish. The comprehensive permitting bill introduced by Republican and Democratic leaders in the Senate known as the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act, includes the full text of the Mining Regulatory Clarity Act
Both parties have been trying to jumpstart the domestic mining and critical minerals industry, especially for materials key to energy sectors, such as copper and lithium. The long lead time it takes to permit and open a mine is one of the major barriers to developing the domestic mining industry (along with nasty price competition from overseas miners and refiners, especially those controlled by Chinese firms).
This is not the first time a bipartisan permitting bill has included what’s known a “Rosemont fix.” There was also one in the 2024 Energy Permitting Reform Act, and in the Senate FREEDOM Act introduced by Cortez Masto and Arkansas Republican Tom Cotton this past summer.
You may have noticed lots of Nevadans associated with these bills. That’s because “Nevada is to mining as Texas is to oil and gas,” Aaron Mintzes, deputy policy director of Earthworks, a frequent and vigorous adversary of the mining industry, told me
While environmental groups generally supported the Rosemont decision, some groups supporting the clean energy industry backed the Mining Regulatory Clarity Act, including Bipartisan Policy Center’s lobbying arm, the clean energy trade group Advanced Energy United, and the Zero Emission Transportation Association, which includes several copper and lithium companies among its members. (Mintzes described ZETA as “the lithium mining lobby” and an “outlier” among clean energy groups in supporting the Mining Regulatory Clarity Act.)
Instead of a technical fix that would comply with the spirit of existing law, Mintzes described the changes to mining regulation in BAAJA as giving mining companies “a nearly unlimited amount of public lands for their waste dumps, for their roads, for their pipelines, for their transmission lines, and for any other purpose that would be reasonably incident to mining.” That goes beyond the mill sites envisioned by the 1872 law, he said.
The National Mining Association, on the other hand, praised the bill Wednesday, with its president Rich Nolan saying in a statement that the existing permitting process is “mired in duplication, endless litigation and uncertainty,” and that “elected officials on both sides of the aisle have long acknowledged that the status quo cannot continue.”
Albert Gore, the executive director of the Zero Emission Transportation Association, told me that there was a “broad recognition” among miners, refiners, and operators that the Rosemont decision required a statutory fix.
“It needed to be clarified in order to remove uncertainty. It's hard enough to invest in mineral production in the United States,” Gore said.
BAAJA’s mining provisions also include the Abandoned Hardrock Mine Fund, which would be funded by maintenance fees collected by the Department of the Interior under the same 19th century mining law. This fund would support a program established by the 2021 Bipartisan Infrastructure Law to clean up abandoned mining sites.
In a transcript of a strategy call between environmental organizations on the BAAJA published by Punchbowl, Mintzes described the fund as “the one good thing I spotted in this bill so far.”
Exploratory projects are making a splash in Maine and Alaska.
A legal brawl is brewing over what could be the nation’s first underwater data centers.
Two subsidiaries of a new LLC named DeepGreen have applied for “preliminary” permits from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission that would give four years of permission for studies and analysis towards constructing underwater data centers off remote coastlines in Maine and Alaska. The data centers as proposed would be powered entirely by tidal energy, as in, the power of waves themselves – a technological innovation from hydropower still being piloted around the world. Project descriptions submitted to FERC lay out what these data centers would look like in broad strokes: hundreds of hydrokinetic turbines, dozens of underwater “data center pods,” and miles of subsea cable. The permits would not authorize construction, which would need its own lengthy review process. But these early green lights would tee both areas up for years of potential conflict over hypotheticals that feel real to those on the ground.
There are upsides from purely a carbon emissions perspective. Relying on tidal energy suggests they’d be greenhouse gas-free, powered by the energy of the ocean. It would also eliminate the land use problem that upends so many AI data center projects. There are also clear environmental risks, as they’re also being suggested in ocean areas often coveted for protection, off coastlines where it’s unclear if the neighboring communities will accept them.
DeepGreen’s Alaska project is proposed within a more than 1,000-acre channel of the Cook Inlet, an estuary coveted by fishermen and wildlife conservation advocates, where fights over resource development already occur often. The upstart company’s Maine project is planned for the northernmost tip of the state, in the Bay of Fundy, which shares a transnational border with Canada. Canadian tidal power generation for the general populace marginally exists today in the Bay of Fundy – with major stipulations for marine life protection because it affects the general nature of water currents.
It’s crucial to note neither project has much information available online, sans brief text file project descriptions available through FERC’s online filing database. There is no public-facing website to date for the project, or for DeepGreen itself. When I contacted Louis Wolfson, a vice president at the company who is listed on company filings, he declined to talk about the developments over the phone and suggested I contact him at an email address listed in FERC application documents. That email address uses a website – “DeepGreenCoastal.com” – that does not seem to exist.
Still, we already know enough to say both development areas are likely to require substantial federal review. Not only does their presence in these waters almost necessitate it but both development areas receive considerable whale traffic. DeepGreen has already acknowledged a need to coordinate passive acoustic monitoring and “non-invasive study methodologies” with the National Marine Fisheries Service, the federal marine protection agency run out of NOAA. The Bay of Fundy is a prominent summer home for the endangered North Atlantic Right Whale and the National Marine Fisheries Service has already intervened in the FERC case for the Maine project, signalling in its filing that Endangered Species Act and fish habitat consultations “may be necessary for the project.”
The Center for Biological Diversity has also filed motions to intervene in both FERC cases, which they tell me is a prelude to potential litigation. “Putting one of these in the ocean just seems like a dystopian nightmare but it was especially alarming because of the areas they want to put these in,” Kristen Monsell, CBD Oceans Program Litigation Director, told me in an interview. “[The motions] are a step required in order for us to participate in the permitting process at FERC and then preserve our ability to challenge the decision in court if we think that’s necessary.”
In Maine, the coastline neighbors are the city of Eastport, which is vociferously opposed to this data center being built. The city passed a moratorium on data center development in response to the project and filed a request to intervene in its FERC case this week. “The City's concerns include potential effects on fisheries, marine habitat, water quality, currents, sediment, underwater noise, electromagnetic fields, equipment heat, existing uses of the waterway, and access to marine resources,” the city stated. “Questions also remain about equipment failure, storm damage, emergency response, equipment recovery, site restoration, and eventual decommissioning. These concerns are specific to the proposed placement and extended operation of computing and energy infrastructure on and beneath the seabed.”
In Alaska, DeepGreen doesn’t face a situation like Eastport with a bustling tourist destination-turned-nemesis, but there’s still quite a bit of local confusion and consternation.
The Kenai Peninsula Borough, which is the equivalent of a county-level government, is currently neutral on the development. But the Alaska Commercial Fisheries Conservation Alliance, a newly-formed nonprofit that includes fishing permit holders in the Cook Inlet, submitted a filing to FERC claiming the project site doesn’t properly take into account existing fishing permit holders and that “a preliminary permit proceeding that advances a project of this scale without any commercial fishing impact assessment” would fail the agency’s public interest obligations.
I asked DeepGreen if it had any comment on the litigation risk around their projects. This is what Louis Wolfson provided: “Preliminary permits under the Federal Power Act do not authorize construction or physical disturbance. Their sole purpose is to establish priority while environmental, bathymetric, and technical feasibility studies are conducted. Stakeholder participation is an expected and healthy part of the FERC regulatory process. DeepGreen welcomes the engagement of conservation organizations, local communities, and regulatory resource agencies as we evaluate whether these sites can deliver low impact, zero carbon infrastructure in full compliance with federal environmental laws."
And more of the week’s biggest fights around project development
1. Ottawa County, Michigan – A congressional district House Democrats are targeting for control of the Lower Chamber is now a battleground over solar development on farmland, and I’m waiting to see if President Trump gets involved.
2. Texas – The Lone Star State sure is action-packed right now, huh? Let’s break down a few of the most important fights.
3. Lincoln County, Oklahoma – A massive wind project in rural Oklahoma is now on hold amidst continued local opposition, according to a Republican member of the state legislature.
4. Clinton County, Indiana – Well hey, at least some places are still approving some things. Like in rural Indiana, where a community actually voted for considering a data center.