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Manufacturers and installers have different opinions on tariffs.
The American solar industry is in a tizzy over tariffs. On one side are the companies that develop, finance, and install solar systems. On the other, the American (or American-located) companies that manufacture them.
China’s solar panel industry has been a combination of boon and bugaboo for American renewable energy efforts for years. On the one hand, the solar development sector has benefitted from the cheap panels they have happily put up on roofs and in fields across the country, underpinning the massive growth of solar power in the past decade.
And then on the other there’s the still-nascent American solar manufacturing industry (and a South Korean company with a substantial facility in Georgia), which joined together to file petitions with the Department of Commerce and the U.S. International Trade Commission Wednesday, beseeching them to investigate what it argues are violations of trade laws by Chinese-owned solar panel manufacturers in Southeast Asia.
The group claims that China’s 80% market share in solar products is a “near monopoly” underpinned by “unfair trade practices,” including subsidies and selling at below-cost. About two-thirds of installed solar panels come from overseas, the group claims, “with the majority arriving without safeguard measures or tariffs from China via Malaysia, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand.” The Southeast Asian imports the petition targets are worth some $12 billion annually.
“America’s solar manufacturing industry is on the cusp of tremendous growth that will create jobs and change the trajectory of our clean energy transition for decades to come,” Tim Brightbill, a lawyer representing the group, said in a release. “However, this manufacturing renaissance is being threatened by China’s industrial policy, which has led to massive subsidization in China and Southeast Asia.”
The solar manufacturers’ petition comes as a two-year moratorium on tariffs against Chinese solar panels is due to expire next month. Solar developers had been lobbying the White House to boost other kinds of support for American solar manufacturing, hoping to head off any push for new tariffs, Bloomberg reported. But according to Reuters, the administration is inclined to take the protectionist side.
“Reducing reliance on Chinese clean energy imports, such as solar panels, is among the most bipartisan issues within clean energy,” Morningstar analyst Brett Castelli wrote in a note. For Republicans, China‘s solar dominance represents yet another strategic asset controlled by an adversary state. For Democrats, they are choking off a burgeoning American manufacturing sector.
And yet the question is not as simple as support U.S. solar or don’t. The likely “tightening of solar panel imports into the U.S. would benefit First Solar,” an American solar manufacturer that’s part of the petitioning group, Castelli wrote, “while being a net negative for the rest of our solar sector coverage.”
The Biden administration has long put itself squarely behind American solar. The Inflation Reduction Act’s advanced manufacturing production credit subsidizes domestic renewable energy manufacturing in the United States, while Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has criticized Chinese “overcapacity” in renewable energy technology. On the installer side, there are tax credits and subsidy programs to make solar more affordable to individuals.
While the solar manufacturers certainly are not unhappy with their tax credits, they see action on trade as an existential issue.
“Everyone knows these Chinese-headquartered companies in Southeast Asia are benefiting from subsidies and exporting below-cost solar into the U.S. market, harming American solar manufacturers and their workers,” Mike Carr, the executive director of the Solar Energy Manufacturers for America Coalition, said in a statement. “Conditions are untenable for American solar manufacturers.”
Other renewable energy trade groups — The American Council on Renewable Energy, the American Clean Power Association, and Advanced Energy United — call tariffs a threat to clean energy deployment. The manufacturers’ petition “creates market uncertainty in the U.S. solar industry and poses a potential threat to the build-out of a domestic solar supply chain,” the groups said in a statement, which also noting that they support a “strong domestic solar supply chain,” and specifically the tax credits that encourage onshore production of solar panels.
But while trade groups lament the stoking of trade war to anyone who will listen, companies — or at least one very big company — is telling its investors that things are going to be OK.
NextEra, one of the country’s largest renewable energy developers and operators, has been telling investors and analysts that the petitions and potential tariffs would not be a big deal.
“We expect that any trade actions that would occur this time around will be very manageable,” NextEra CEO John Ketchum said on the company’s quarterly earnings call Tuesday. The company didn’t expect any potential trade restriction “to result in delivery stoppages,” he added, and since NextEra orders panels well before actual construction on a project commences, that “gives us a lot of time and opportunity to be able to troubleshoot any issues should they arise,” Ketchum said.
Finally, even if there were new tariffs, the gap in cost between domestic and overseas panels – the exact thing that the solar manufacturers and the Biden administration lament — is so large that “there’s a lot of economic reasons for deliveries to continue to occur.” Even a 15% tariff on Chinese solar panels, Ketchum said, would be “quite manageable.”
While everyone says they want an American solar manufacturing industry to succeed, trade protection and tax credits can only go so far.
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Did a battery plant disaster in California spark a PR crisis on the East Coast?
Battery fire fears are fomenting a storage backlash in New York City – and it risks turning into fresh PR hell for the industry.
Aggrieved neighbors, anti-BESS activists, and Republican politicians are galvanizing more opposition to battery storage in pockets of the five boroughs where development is actually happening, capturing rapt attention from other residents as well as members of the media. In Staten Island, a petition against a NineDot Energy battery project has received more than 1,300 signatures in a little over two months. Two weeks ago, advocates – backed by representatives of local politicians including Rep. Nicole Mallitokis – swarmed a public meeting on the project, getting a local community board to vote unanimously against the project.
According to Heatmap Pro’s proprietary modeling of local opinion around battery storage, there are likely twice as many strong opponents than strong supporters in the area:
Heatmap Pro
Yesterday, leaders in the Queens community of Hempstead enacted a year-long ban on BESS for at least a year after GOP Rep. Anthony D’Esposito, other local politicians, and a slew of aggrieved residents testified in favor of a moratorium. The day before, officials in the Long Island town of Southampton said at a public meeting they were ready to extend their battery storage ban until they enshrined a more restrictive development code – even as many energy companies testified against doing so, including NineDot and solar plus storage developer Key Capture Energy. Yonkers also recently extended its own battery moratorium.
This flurry of activity follows the Moss Landing battery plant fire in California, a rather exceptional event caused by tech that was extremely old and a battery chemistry that is no longer popular in the sector. But opponents of battery storage don’t care – they’re telling their friends to stop the community from becoming the next Moss Landing. The longer this goes on without a fulsome, strident response from the industry, the more communities may rally against them. Making matters even worse, as I explained in The Fight earlier this year, we’re seeing battery fire concerns impact solar projects too.
“This is a huge problem for solar. If [fires] start regularly happening, communities are going to say hey, you can’t put that there,” Derek Chase, CEO of battery fire smoke detection tech company OnSight Technologies, told me at Intersolar this week. “It’s going to be really detrimental.”
I’ve long worried New York City in particular may be a powder keg for the battery storage sector given its omnipresence as a popular media environment. If it happens in New York, the rest of the world learns about it.
I feel like the power of the New York media environment is not lost on Staten Island borough president Vito Fossella, a de facto leader of the anti-BESS movement in the boroughs. Last fall I interviewed Fossella, whose rhetorical strategy often leans on painting Staten Island as an overburdened community. (At least 13 battery storage projects have been in the works in Staten Island according to recent reporting. Fossella claims that is far more than any amount proposed elsewhere in the city.) He often points to battery blazes that happen elsewhere in the country, as well as fears about lithium-ion scooters that have caught fire. His goal is to enact very large setback distance requirements for battery storage, at a minimum.
“You can still put them throughout the city but you can’t put them next to people’s homes – what happens if one of these goes on fire next to a gas station,” he told me at the time, chalking the wider city government’s reluctance to capitulate on batteries to a “political problem.”
Well, I’m going to hold my breath for the real political problem in waiting – the inevitable backlash that happens when Mallitokis, D’Esposito, and others take this fight to Congress and the national stage. I bet that’s probably why American Clean Power just sent me a notice for a press briefing on battery safety next week …
And more of the week’s top conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Queen Anne’s County, Maryland – They really don’t want you to sign a solar lease out in the rural parts of this otherwise very pro-renewables state.
2. Logan County, Ohio – Staff for the Ohio Power Siting Board have recommended it reject Open Road Renewables’ Grange Solar agrivoltaics project.
3. Bandera County, Texas – On a slightly brighter note for solar, it appears that Pine Gate Renewables’ Rio Lago solar project might just be safe from county restrictions.
Here’s what else we’re watching…
In Illinois, Armoracia Solar is struggling to get necessary permits from Madison County.
In Kentucky, the mayor of Lexington is getting into a public spat with East Kentucky Power Cooperative over solar.
In Michigan, Livingston County is now backing the legal challenge to Michigan’s state permitting primacy law.
On the week’s top news around renewable energy policy.
1. IRA funding freeze update – Money is starting to get out the door, finally: the EPA unfroze most of its climate grant funding it had paused after Trump entered office.
2. Scalpel vs. sledgehammer – House Speaker Mike Johnson signaled Republicans in Congress may take a broader approach to repealing the Inflation Reduction Act than previously expected in tax talks.
3. Endangerment in danger – The EPA is reportedly urging the White House to back reversing its 2009 “endangerment” finding on air pollutants and climate change, a linchpin in the agency’s overall CO2 and climate regulatory scheme.