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AI has already changed weather forecasting forever.
It’s been a wild few years in the typically tedious world of weather predictions. For decades, forecasts have been improving at a slow and steady pace — the standard metric is that every decade of development leads to a one-day improvement in lead time. So today, our four-day forecasts are about as accurate as a one-day forecast was 30 years ago. Whoop-de-do.
Now thanks to advances in (you guessed it) artificial intelligence, things are moving much more rapidly. AI-based weather models from tech giants such as Google DeepMind, Huawei, and Nvidia are now consistently beating the standard physics-based models for the first time. And it’s not just the big names getting into the game — earlier this year, the 27-person team at Palo Alto-based startup Windborne one-upped DeepMind to become the world’s most accurate weather forecaster.
“What we’ve seen for some metrics is just the deployment of an AI-based emulator can gain us a day in lead time relative to traditional models,” Daryl Kleist, who works on weather model development at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, told me. That is, today’s two-day forecast could be as accurate as last year’s one-day forecast.
All weather models start by taking in data about current weather conditions. But from there, how they make predictions varies wildly. Traditional weather models like the ones NOAA and the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts use rely on complex atmospheric equations based on the laws of physics to predict future weather patterns. AI models, on the other hand, are trained on decades of prior weather data, using the past to predict what will come next.
Kleist told me he certainly saw AI-based weather forecasting coming, but the speed at which it’s arriving and the degree to which these models are improving has been head-spinning. “There's papers coming out in preprints almost on a bi-weekly basis. And the amount of skill they've been able to gain by fine tuning these things and taking it a step further has been shocking, frankly,” he told me.
So what changed? As the world has seen with the advent of large language models like ChatGPT, AI architecture has gotten much more powerful, period. The weather models themselves are also in a cycle of continuous improvement — as more open source weather data becomes available, models can be retrained. Plus, the cost of computing power has come way down, making it possible for a small company like Windborne to train its industry-leading model.
Founded by a team of Stanford students and graduates in 2019, Windborne used off-the-shelf Nvidia gaming GPUs to train its AI model, called WeatherMesh — something the company’s CEO and co-founder, John Dean, told me wouldn’t have been possible five years ago. The company also operates its own fleet of advanced weather balloons, which gather data from traditionally difficult-to-access areas.
Standard weather balloons without onboard navigation typically ascend too high, overinflate, and pop within a matter of hours (thus becoming environmental waste, sad!). Since it’s expensive to do launches at sea or in areas without much infrastructure, there’s vast expanses of the globe where most balloons aren’t gathering any data at all.
Satellites can help, of course. But because they’re so far away, they can’t provide the same degree of fidelity. With modern electronics, though, Windborne found it could create a balloon that autonomously changes altitude and navigates to its intended target by venting gas to descend and dropping ballast to ascend.
“We basically took a lot of the innovations that lead to smartphones, global satellite communications, all of the last 20 years of progress in consumer electronics and other things and applied that to balloons,” Dean told me. In the past, the electronics needed to control Windborne’s system would have been too heavy — the balloon wouldn’t have gotten off the ground. But with today’s tiny tech, they can stay aloft for up to 40 days. Eventually, the company aims to recover and reuse at least 80% of its balloons.
The longer airtime allows Windborne to do more with less. While globally there are more than 1,000 conventional weather balloons launched every day, Dean told me, “We collect roughly on the order of 10% or 20% of the data that NOAA collects every day with only 100 launches per month.” In fact, NOAA is a customer of the startup — Windborne already makes millions in revenue selling its weather balloon data to various government agencies.
Now, with a potentially historic hurricane season ramping up, Windborne has the potential to provide the most accurate data on when and where a storm will touch down.
Earlier this year, the company used WeatherMesh to run a case study on Hurricane Ian, the Category 5 storm that hit Florida in September 2022, leading to over 150 fatalities and $112 billion in damages. Using only weather data that was publicly available at the time, the company looked at how accurately its model (had it existed back then) would have tracked the hurricane.
Very accurately, it turns out. Windborne’s predictions aligned neatly with the storm’s actual path, while the National Weather Service’s model was off by hundreds of kilometers. That impressed Khosla Ventures, which led the company’s $15 million Series A funding round earlier this month. “We haven’t seen meaningful innovation in weather since The Weather Channel in the 90s. Yet it’s a $100 billion market that touches essentially every industry,” Sven Strohband, a partner and managing director at Khosla Ventures, told me via email.
With this new funding, Windborne is scaling up its fleet of balloons as it prepares to commercialize. The money will also help Windborne advance its forecasting model, though Dean told me robust data collection is ultimately what will set the company apart. “In any kind of AI industry, whoever has the top benchmark at any given time, it’s going to fluctuate,” Dean said. “What matters is the model plus the unique datasets.”
Unlike Windborne, the tech giants with AI-based weather models — including, most recently, Microsoft — aren’t gathering their own data, instead drawing solely on publicly accessible information from legacy weather agencies.
But these agencies are starting to get into the game, too. The European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts has already created its own AI-based model, the Artificial Intelligence/Integrated Forecasting System, which it runs in parallel to its traditional model. NOAA, while a bit behind, is also looking to follow suit.
“In the end, we know we can't rely on these big tech companies to just keep developing stuff in good faith to give to us for free,” Kleist told me. Right now, many of the top AI-based weather models are open source. But who knows if that will last? “It's our mission to save lives and property. And we have to figure out how to do some of this development and operationalize it from our side, ourselves,” Kleist said, explaining that NOAA is currently prototyping some of its own AI-based models.
All of these agencies are in the early stages of AI modeling, which is why you likely haven’t noticed weather predictions making a pronounced leap in accuracy as of late. It’s all still considered quite experimental. “Physical models, the pro is we know the underlying assumptions we make. We understand them. We have decades of history of developing them and using them in operational settings,” Kleist told me. AI-based models are much more of a black box, and there’s questions surrounding how well they will perform when it comes to predicting rare weather events, for which there might be little to no historical data for the model to reference.
That hesitation might not last long, though. “To me it’s fairly obvious that most of the forecasts that would actually be used by users in the future will come from machine learning models,” Peter Dueben, head of Earth systems modeling at the European Centre for Medium Range Weather Forecasting, told me. “If you just want to get the weather forecast for the temperature in California tomorrow, then the machine learning model is typically the better choice,” he added.
That increased accuracy is going to matter a lot, not just for the average weather watcher, but also for specific industries and interest groups for whom precise predictions are paramount. “We can tailor the actual models to particular sectors, whether it's agriculture, energy, transportation,” Kleist told me, “and come up with information that's going to be at a very granular, specific level to a particular interest.” Think grid operators or renewable power generators who need to forecast demand or farmers trying to figure out the best time to irrigate their fields or harvest crops.
A major (and perhaps surprising) reason this type of customization is so easy is because once AI-based weather models are trained, they’re actually orders of magnitude cheaper and less computationally intensive to run than traditional models. All of this means, Kleist told me, that AI-based weather models are “going to be fundamentally foundational for what we do in the future, and will open up avenues to things we couldn't have imagined using our current physical-based modeling.”
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On GM eating the tariffs, California’s utility bills, and open-sourcing climate models
Current conditions: U.S. government forecasters are projecting hurricane season to ramp up in the coming weeks, with as many as nine tropical storms forming in the Caribbean by November • Southern Arizona is facing temperatures of up to 114 degrees Fahrenheit • Northeast India is experiencing extremely heavy rainfall of more than 8 inches in 24 hours.
Secretary of Energy Chris Wright said his agency is preparing to rewrite previously published National Climate Assessments, which have already been removed from government websites. In an interview with CNN’s Kaitlan Collins, Wright said the analyses “weren’t fair in broad-based assessments of climate change.” He added: “We’re reviewing them, and we will come out with updated reports on those and with comments on those reports.”
The former chief executive of the fracking company Liberty Energy, Wright once eschewed the outright rejection of climate science that other Trump administration officials espouse. But as the Environmental Protection Agency works to withdraw the legal finding that gave the federal government the right to regulate planet-heating emissions under the Clean Air Act, Wright has ratcheted up his rhetoric. Earlier this week, he claimed that “ceaseless repeating from the media, politicians and activists claiming that climate change is making weather more dangerous and severe is just nonsense.” In response, my colleague Robinson Meyer noted on X: “This is a new and big turn from Secretary Wright. I’ve been pretty careful to never call him a climate change denier because while his claims about the science have been incredibly opinionated, I could see the ‘true’ thing he was trying to say. But this is just brazenly wrong.”
Days after the Department of the Interior revoked a designation opening millions of acres off the United States’ shores to offshore wind, the agency on Thursday launched “a full review of offshore wind energy regulations to ensure alignment” with “America’s energy priorities under President Donald J. Trump.” The review aims to examine “financial assurance requirements and decommissioning cost estimates for offshore wind projects, to ensure federal regulations do not provide preferential treatment to unreliable, foreign-controlled energy sources over dependable, American-made energy,” according to the press release announcing the move.
This is just the latest in a series of actions the administration has taken targeting renewables, particularly wind. For more on Trump’s all-out war against America's biggest source of non-emitting energy, here’s my colleague Jael Holzman.
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The Chevrolet Bolt.Bill Pugliano/Getty Images
General Motors is preparing to import batteries from Chinese giant CATL despite steep tariffs imposed by Trump. The automaker is buying the batteries to power the second-generation Chevrolet Bolt electric vehicle, in what The Wall Street Journal described as “a supply-chain Band-Aid for a company that touts extensive investments in U.S. battery manufacturing.”
The imports are meant to hold GM over for two years until the Detroit giant and its Korean partner LG Energy Solution can complete work on U.S. manufacturing sites to provide a domestic source of lower-cost batteries, according to Journal reporter Christopher Otts. GM’s EV sales surged in July following the introduction of the electric version of the popular Chevrolet Equinox SUV, in one of the brightest spots for the American EV market this summer.
California lawmakers are proposing a radical solution to curb rising electricity rates. Bills moving through the state’s legislature would use money raised from state bonds to help pay for the hugely expensive process of expanding the power grid and upgrading its equipment to better withstand wildfires, Canary Media’s Jeff St. John reported. The legislation would force the state’s big three utilities to accept public financing for a portion of the tens of billions of dollars they plan to spend on the power lines. The proposals come as steep rate hikes across the country become a political hot button ahead of next year’s midterm elections. As Robinson put it, “when you look across the power system, virtually every trend is setting us up for electricity price spikes.”
The sustainability data company Watershed announced a new partnership this morning with the Stanford Sustainable Solutions Lab to preserve the EPA’s model for carbon accounting. Dubbed “Cornerstone,” the project “will be a hub for open access” to software designed to assess Scope 3 emissions, the planet-heating pollution that comes from indirect downstream activities in a supply chain. “By combining the most trusted environmental data models and keeping them open to the world, we hope to help companies and organizations build and maintain momentum on sustainability,” Watershed’s co-founder Christian Anderson said in a statement. Wesley Ingwersen, the former EPA lead and architect behind the federal model, will serve as the initiative’s technical director.
The British government’s decision in May to hand back sovereignty over the Chagos Island to Mauritius more than two centuries after seizing the Indian Ocean archipelago and forcing out its residents to make way for a military base created a political uproar in the United Kingdom earlier this year. But British rule over the island chain yielded at least one major benefit beyond military defense. A new study found that the supersized Marine Protected Area the U.K. established in 2010 protected large ocean animals throughout much of their lifecycle. Scientists tracked sea turtles, manta rays and seabirds in the nearly 250,000-square-mile sanctuary. In total, 95% of tracking locations showed the area “is large enough to protect these wandering animals” which travel far to forage, breed and migrate. By contrast, the study from Exeter and Heriot-Watt universities found that seabirds in marine areas with smaller than 40,000 square miles “would be less well protected.”
Congressional Democrats will have to trust the administration to allow renewables projects through. That may be too big an ask.
How do you do a bipartisan permitting deal if the Republicans running the government don’t want to permit anything Democrats like?
The typical model for a run at permitting reform is that a handful of Republicans and Democrats come together and draw up a plan that would benefit renewable developers, transmission developers, and the fossil fuel industry by placing some kind of limit on the scope and extent of federally-mandated environmental reviews. Last year’s Energy Permitting Reform Act, for instance, co-sponsored by Republican John Barrasso and Independent Joe Manchin, included time limits on environmental reviews, mandatory oil and gas lease sales, siting authority for interstate transmission, and legal clarity for mining projects. That passed through the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee but got no further.
During a House hearing in July, California Representative Scott Peters, a Democrat, bragged that a bill he’d introduced with Republican Dusty Johnson to help digitize permitting had won support from both the Natural Resources Defense Council and the American Petroleum Institute — two advocacy groups not typically speaking in harmony. (He’s not the only one taking a crack at permitting reform, though: Another bipartisan House effort sponsored by House Natural Resources Committee chairman Bruce Westerman and moderate Maine Democrat Jared Golden would limit when National Environmental Policy Act-mandated reviews happen, install time limits for making claims, and restrict judicial oversight of the NEPA process.)
But unless Democrats trust the Trump administration to actually allow renewables projects to go forward, his proposal could be dead on arrival. Since the signing of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act on July 4, the executive branch has been on the warpath against renewables, especially wind. With the Trump administration’s blessing, OBBBA restricted tax credits for renewable projects, both by accelerating the phaseout timeline for the credits (projects have until July of next year to start construction, or until the end of 2027 to be placed in service) and by imposing harsh new restrictions on developers’ business relationships with China or Chinese companies. Mere days after he signed the final bill into law, Trump directed the Internal Revenue Service to write tougher guidance governing what it means to start construction, potentially narrowing the window to qualify still further.
“I think all of this fuzz coming out of the Trump administration makes trust among Democrats a lot harder to achieve,” Peters told me this week.
In recent weeks, Trump’s Department of the Interior has issued memos calling for political reviews of effectively all new renewables permits and instituting strict new land use requirements that will be all but impossible for wind developments to meet. His Department of Transportation, meanwhile, insinuated that the department under the previous administration had ignored safety concerns related to radio frequencies while instituting onerous new setback requirements for renewables development near roadways.
Peters acknowledged that bipartisan permitting reform may be a heavy lift for his fellow Democrats — “a lot of Democrats didn’t come to Congress to make permitting oil and gas easier,” he told me — but that considering the high proportion of planned projects that are non-emitting, it would still be worth it to make all projects move faster.
That said, he conceded that his argument “loses a lot of force” if none of those planned non-emitting projects that happen to be solar or wind can get their federal permits approved. “How can I even make a deal on energy unless I get some assurance that will be honored by the President?” Peters told me.
Other energy and climate experts broadly supportive of investment-led approaches to combatting climate change still think that Democrats should push on with a permitting deal.
“All of this raises the importance of a bipartisan Congressional permitting reform bill that contains executive branch discretion to deny routine permits for American energy resources,” Princeton professor and Heatmap contributor Jesse Jenkins posted on X. “Seems like there's a lot of reasons for both sides to ensure America's approach to siting energy resources doesn't keep ping-ponging back and forth every four years.”
But permitting reform supporters are aware of the awkward situation the president’s unilateral actions against renewables puts the whole enterprise in.
“The administration’s recent measures are suboptimal policy and no doubt worsen the odds of enacting a technology-neutral permitting reform deal,” Pavan Venkatakrishnan, an infrastructure fellow at the Institute for Progress, told me.
At the same time, he argued that Democrats should still try to seek a deal, pointing to the high demand for electrons of any type. Not even the Trump administration can entirely choke off demand for renewables, so permitting reform could still be worth doing to ensure that as much as can evade the administration’s booby traps can eventually get built.
“Projects remain at the mercy of a burdensome regulatory regime,” Venkatakrishnan said. “Democrats should remain committed to an ambitious permitting deal — the best way to reduce deployment timelines and costs for all technologies, including solar-and-storage.”
Venkatakrishnan also suggested that Democrats could, in a bipartisan deal, seek to roll back some of the executive branch actions, including the Interior memo subjecting wind and solar to heightened review or the executive order on the definition of “begin construction.” There would be a precedent for such an action — the 2024 Manchin-Barrasso permitting reform bill attempted to scrap the pause on liquified natural gas approvals that the Biden administration had implemented. But then of course, that didn’t ever become law. (Manchin and congressional Republicans were able to clear the way to permitting a specific project, the Mountain Valley Pipeline in a larger bipartisan deal.)
What could unlock a deal, Yogin Kothari, a former congressional staffer and the chief strategy officer of the SEMA Coalition, a domestic solar manufacturing group, told me, would be the Trump administration getting actively involved. “The administration is probably going to have to lead,” Kothari said. “It’s going to be up to folks in the administration to go to the Hill and say, We do need this, and this is what it’s going to mean, and we’re going to implement this in good faith.”
This would require a delicate balancing act — the Trump administration would have to think there’s enough in a deal for their favored energy and infrastructure projects to make it worth perhaps rolling back some of their anti-renewables campaign.
“The administration is going to have to convince Democrats that it’s not permitting reform just for a subset of industries,” i.e. oil, gas, and coal, “but it is really technology neutral permanent reform,” Kothari said. “On the Senate side, it comes down to whether seven Senate Democrats feel like they can trust the admin to actually implement things in a way that is helpful across the board for energy dominance.”
One reason the administration itself may have to make commitments is because Congressional Democrats may not trust Republicans to stand behind legislation they support and vote for, Peters told me.
“Obviously we’d have to get some face-to-face understanding that if we make a deal, they’re going to live by the deal,” he said.
Peters pointed to the handful of Republicans who successfully negotiated for a longer runway for renewable tax credits, only to see Trump move almost immediately to tighten up eligibility for those tax credits as reason enough for skepticism. He also cited the cuts to previously agreed-upon spending that the Trump administration pushed through Congress on a party line vote as evidence that existing law and deals aren’t necessarily stable in Trump’s Washington.
“If we do a deal — Republicans and Democrats in Congress, the House and Senate, get together and make an agreement — we have to have assurance that the President will back us,” Peters told me.
No bipartisan deal is ever easy to come by, but then historically, “everybody lives by it,” he said. “I think that may be changing under this administration, and I think it makes everything tougher.”
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Sussex County, Delaware – The Trump administration has confirmed it will revisit permitting decisions for the MarWin offshore wind project off the coast of Maryland, potentially putting the proposal in jeopardy unless blue states and the courts intervene.
2. Northwest Iowa – Locals fighting a wind project spanning multiple counties in northern Iowa are opposing legislation that purports to make renewable development easier in the state.
3. Pima County, Arizona – Down goes another solar-powered data center, this time in Arizona.
4. San Diego County, California – A battery storage developer has withdrawn plans to build in the southern California city of La Mesa amidst a broadening post-Moss Landing backlash over fire concerns.
5. Logan and McIntosh Counties, North Dakota – These days, it’s worth noting when a wind project even gets approved.
6. Hamilton County, Indiana – This county is now denying an Aypa battery storage facility north of Indianapolis despite growing power concerns in the region.