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Data is elusive — and expensive.
Today, if a company claims to run on “100% clean power,” that generally means it’s adding up its electricity use for the entire year, then offsetting any fossil fuel-generated electricity through the purchase of renewable energy certificates, a.k.a. RECs. So a New York-based firm using natural gas to power its data center at night can offset that dirty power by purchasing RECs generated by a California-based solar farm in the middle of the day, so long as energy production and procurement happen within the same year.
We call this system “annual matching,” and it may not be much longer for this world.
The U.S. Treasury Department announced in December that, to qualify for the most generous subsidies under the Inflation Reduction Act’s hydrogen production tax credit, clean hydrogen must be produced using a relatively new source of carbon-free electricity generated within the same hour it’s used and in roughly the same location. The hourly matching requirement, which will take effect in 2028, could compel utilities, grid operators, energy producers and consumers to adopt new systems for clean energy accounting, ultimately laying the groundwork for a 24/7 clean electricity market that extends far beyond the hydrogen sector.
Energy system experts generally hailed the move, and not just because without it, electricity-hungry hydrogen production could potentially do more harm to the climate than good. Annual matching, also, is no longer serving its original purpose of incentivizing the buildout of new renewables. When wind and solar were more expensive than fossil fuels, developers could make up the cost difference by selling annually-matched RECs. But today, wind and solar are often the cheapest energy options available.
That’s not to say everyone was in favor of hourly matching, however. Many of the companies that underpin the U.S.’s clean energy generation and accounting systems, some major hydrogen players, and even a number of Senate Democrats say that moving to hourly matching in the next four years could not only prove too logistically challenging, but also lead to infeasibly high costs for clean hydrogen that will hamper the growth of the emerging industry. More than a year of furious lobbying, public commenting, and punditry over the future of America’s nascent hydrogen industry hinges on this question: Can we pull off verifiable 24/7 clean energy?
There’s an emerging ecosystem of companies trying to help do just that. Granular Energy is a European startup creating software to help utilities and power suppliers move toward 24/7 energy matching by telling them where and when clean energy is most needed. “When you get down to the hourly level,” Natalie Valentin, Granular’s commercial lead for North America, told me, “it can help drive investment in the types of technologies — whether it’s battery storage, clean firm generation, or renewable generation.”
Utilities and power suppliers generally have hourly generation data on hand, Valentin said. It’s just that the energy attribution certificates they receive from tracking systems and registries for renewable energy credits don’t usually include this information. “This data is very readily available,” she told me. “What we’re helping to do is put it into a tool that creates transparency, it streamlines the operations, it has that audit trail that's preventing any double counting.”
Granular links the information from energy certificates with the utility or power provider’s internal metering data to provide an hour-by-hour snapshot of the supplier’s energy mix. That then gives energy suppliers the ability to offer hourly-matched green power programs to their customers.
All of this would be simpler if electricity customers had insight into their hourly electricity usage in the first place, or if the tracking systems provided suppliers with time-matched certificates upfront. But as it stands, most customers don’t have meters that provide this level of detail, making it difficult for them to understand where their energy is coming from. And out of the nation’s 10 renewable energy credit tracking systems and registries, seven don’t report hourly information.
The three that do include the nation’s largest grid operator, PJM, the nonprofit Midwest Renewable Energy Tracking System, and the North American Renewables Registry. Seattle-based LevelTen Energy will utilize the data from these three entities to create a new marketplace for buying, selling, and managing hourly-matched energy certificates, to be launched later this year in regions where hourly tracking exists. LevelTen is building this platform in partnership with the Intercontinental Exchange, a tech company that operates global financial exchanges. Other partners include Google and Microsoft, each of which has announced plans to move to hourly matching by 2030.
“We’re looking to provide an end-to-end experience so people can indicate, here's where we have demand,” explained Katie Soroye, a LevelTen executive. Crucially, the platform will also ensure that hourly matching certificates are retired once they’re purchased to prevent double-counting.
The hope is that the seven tracking systems that lack hourly matching capabilities will soon be either persuaded or mandated to develop them, leading to a country-wide granular certificate marketplace — something the clean hydrogen tax rules were designed to help expedite. Once the mandate is finalized, the Center for Resource Solutions found, most of the tracking systems could phase in hourly matching within two years.
That doesn’t mean they’re eager to make the change, with many citing cost, low demand, and in some cases lack of data availability and confusion over how to handle a more complex dataset as top concerns with hourly matching. Cost is also a major concern for the hydrogen industry overall.
“To the extent that 24/7 works, it has to increase hydrogen prices,” said Aaron Bergman, a fellow at the nonprofit research group Resources for the Future, although he acknowledged that hourly matching is also likely to reduce emissions. “Now, I think what’s challenging is, is that going to be enough to interfere with the ability to really start building out green hydrogen?”
The American Clean Power Association thinks so. Its members estimate “a 20-150% price premium for hourly matched hydrogen production” because electrolyzers, the devices used to make clean hydrogen, will only be able to operate when clean electricity is available. The trade group recommends waiting until 2032 to implement hourly matching, saying this will give the market more time to mature and lower prices through economies of scale.
The whole industry is hardly aligned on this question. Seven companies, including the world’s largest hydrogen producer, filed a joint letter with Treasury officials before the draft rules were released urging them to require 24/7 hourly matching by 2028. “Hourly matching will catalyze cutting-edge, flexible electrolyzer technologies and establish a flourishing and world-leading domestic U.S. advanced electrolyzer manufacturing base,” the letter said.
The rule-making process will continue with a public hearing scheduled for later this month. But assuming the hourly-matching requirement stays, it will certainly add momentum to what’s become a movement for 24/7 clean electricity. Even the U.S. federal government has committed to sourcing 100% of their facility’s electricity from carbon-free sources, half of which will be hourly matched by 2030.
“Time is ticking,” said Bergman. “It’s really standing up something that is relatively new in a relatively short period of time.” Some degree of delays and logistical roadblocks may prove inevitable. But, he said, “it certainly can be done.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to clarify that a new platform from LevelTen Energy is distinct from the Granular Certificate Trading Alliance.
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Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Madison County, Missouri – A giant battery material recycling plant owned by Critical Mineral Recovery exploded and became engulfed in flames last week, creating a potential Vineyard Wind-level PR headache for energy storage.
2. Benton County, Washington State – Governor Jay Inslee finally got state approvals finished for Scout Clean Energy’s massive Horse Heaven wind farm after a prolonged battle over project siting, cultural heritage management, and bird habitat.
3. Fulton County, Georgia – A large NextEra battery storage facility outside of Atlanta is facing a lawsuit that commingles usual conflicts over building these properties with environmental justice concerns, I’ve learned.
Here’s what else I’m watching…
In Colorado, Weld County commissioners approved part of one of the largest solar projects in the nation proposed by Balanced Rock Power.
In New Mexico, a large solar farm in Sandoval County proposed by a subsidiary of U.S. PCR Investments on land typically used for cattle is facing consternation.
In Pennsylvania, Schuylkill County commissioners are thinking about new solar zoning restrictions.
In Kentucky, Lost City Renewables is still wrestling with local concerns surrounding a 1,300-acre solar farm in rural Muhlenberg County.
In Minnesota, Ranger Power’s Gopher State solar project is starting to go through the public hearing process.
In Texas, Trina Solar – a company media reports have linked to China – announced it sold a large battery plant the day after the election. It was acquired by Norwegian company FREYR.