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Data is elusive — and expensive.

Today, if a company claims to run on “100% clean power,” that generally means it’s adding up its electricity use for the entire year, then offsetting any fossil fuel-generated electricity through the purchase of renewable energy certificates, a.k.a. RECs. So a New York-based firm using natural gas to power its data center at night can offset that dirty power by purchasing RECs generated by a California-based solar farm in the middle of the day, so long as energy production and procurement happen within the same year.
We call this system “annual matching,” and it may not be much longer for this world.
The U.S. Treasury Department announced in December that, to qualify for the most generous subsidies under the Inflation Reduction Act’s hydrogen production tax credit, clean hydrogen must be produced using a relatively new source of carbon-free electricity generated within the same hour it’s used and in roughly the same location. The hourly matching requirement, which will take effect in 2028, could compel utilities, grid operators, energy producers and consumers to adopt new systems for clean energy accounting, ultimately laying the groundwork for a 24/7 clean electricity market that extends far beyond the hydrogen sector.
Energy system experts generally hailed the move, and not just because without it, electricity-hungry hydrogen production could potentially do more harm to the climate than good. Annual matching, also, is no longer serving its original purpose of incentivizing the buildout of new renewables. When wind and solar were more expensive than fossil fuels, developers could make up the cost difference by selling annually-matched RECs. But today, wind and solar are often the cheapest energy options available.
That’s not to say everyone was in favor of hourly matching, however. Many of the companies that underpin the U.S.’s clean energy generation and accounting systems, some major hydrogen players, and even a number of Senate Democrats say that moving to hourly matching in the next four years could not only prove too logistically challenging, but also lead to infeasibly high costs for clean hydrogen that will hamper the growth of the emerging industry. More than a year of furious lobbying, public commenting, and punditry over the future of America’s nascent hydrogen industry hinges on this question: Can we pull off verifiable 24/7 clean energy?
There’s an emerging ecosystem of companies trying to help do just that. Granular Energy is a European startup creating software to help utilities and power suppliers move toward 24/7 energy matching by telling them where and when clean energy is most needed. “When you get down to the hourly level,” Natalie Valentin, Granular’s commercial lead for North America, told me, “it can help drive investment in the types of technologies — whether it’s battery storage, clean firm generation, or renewable generation.”
Utilities and power suppliers generally have hourly generation data on hand, Valentin said. It’s just that the energy attribution certificates they receive from tracking systems and registries for renewable energy credits don’t usually include this information. “This data is very readily available,” she told me. “What we’re helping to do is put it into a tool that creates transparency, it streamlines the operations, it has that audit trail that's preventing any double counting.”
Granular links the information from energy certificates with the utility or power provider’s internal metering data to provide an hour-by-hour snapshot of the supplier’s energy mix. That then gives energy suppliers the ability to offer hourly-matched green power programs to their customers.
All of this would be simpler if electricity customers had insight into their hourly electricity usage in the first place, or if the tracking systems provided suppliers with time-matched certificates upfront. But as it stands, most customers don’t have meters that provide this level of detail, making it difficult for them to understand where their energy is coming from. And out of the nation’s 10 renewable energy credit tracking systems and registries, seven don’t report hourly information.
The three that do include the nation’s largest grid operator, PJM, the nonprofit Midwest Renewable Energy Tracking System, and the North American Renewables Registry. Seattle-based LevelTen Energy will utilize the data from these three entities to create a new marketplace for buying, selling, and managing hourly-matched energy certificates, to be launched later this year in regions where hourly tracking exists. LevelTen is building this platform in partnership with the Intercontinental Exchange, a tech company that operates global financial exchanges. Other partners include Google and Microsoft, each of which has announced plans to move to hourly matching by 2030.
“We’re looking to provide an end-to-end experience so people can indicate, here's where we have demand,” explained Katie Soroye, a LevelTen executive. Crucially, the platform will also ensure that hourly matching certificates are retired once they’re purchased to prevent double-counting.
The hope is that the seven tracking systems that lack hourly matching capabilities will soon be either persuaded or mandated to develop them, leading to a country-wide granular certificate marketplace — something the clean hydrogen tax rules were designed to help expedite. Once the mandate is finalized, the Center for Resource Solutions found, most of the tracking systems could phase in hourly matching within two years.
That doesn’t mean they’re eager to make the change, with many citing cost, low demand, and in some cases lack of data availability and confusion over how to handle a more complex dataset as top concerns with hourly matching. Cost is also a major concern for the hydrogen industry overall.
“To the extent that 24/7 works, it has to increase hydrogen prices,” said Aaron Bergman, a fellow at the nonprofit research group Resources for the Future, although he acknowledged that hourly matching is also likely to reduce emissions. “Now, I think what’s challenging is, is that going to be enough to interfere with the ability to really start building out green hydrogen?”
The American Clean Power Association thinks so. Its members estimate “a 20-150% price premium for hourly matched hydrogen production” because electrolyzers, the devices used to make clean hydrogen, will only be able to operate when clean electricity is available. The trade group recommends waiting until 2032 to implement hourly matching, saying this will give the market more time to mature and lower prices through economies of scale.
The whole industry is hardly aligned on this question. Seven companies, including the world’s largest hydrogen producer, filed a joint letter with Treasury officials before the draft rules were released urging them to require 24/7 hourly matching by 2028. “Hourly matching will catalyze cutting-edge, flexible electrolyzer technologies and establish a flourishing and world-leading domestic U.S. advanced electrolyzer manufacturing base,” the letter said.
The rule-making process will continue with a public hearing scheduled for later this month. But assuming the hourly-matching requirement stays, it will certainly add momentum to what’s become a movement for 24/7 clean electricity. Even the U.S. federal government has committed to sourcing 100% of their facility’s electricity from carbon-free sources, half of which will be hourly matched by 2030.
“Time is ticking,” said Bergman. “It’s really standing up something that is relatively new in a relatively short period of time.” Some degree of delays and logistical roadblocks may prove inevitable. But, he said, “it certainly can be done.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to clarify that a new platform from LevelTen Energy is distinct from the Granular Certificate Trading Alliance.
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1. Suffolk County, New York – Rarely do I get to say battery fire fears can be quelched but we have a very good example brewing in the Empire State.
2. Loudon County, Virginia – I can’t believe it: Data Center Alley is going to enact a moratorium.
3. Pulaski County, Arkansas – Entergy has dropped the lawsuit it filed against an Arkansas newspaper over the publication of a power deal with Google.
4. Darlington County, South Carolina – We conclude this week’s Hotspots with a focus on a GOP-leaning county rejecting a renewables moratorium.
A conversation with Sam Lyman of the Bitcoin Policy Institute.
This week’s conversation is with Sam Lyman, head of research at the Bitcoin Policy Institute. Originally focused on cryptocurrency, Lyman’s organization has expanded to policy and messaging development around data centers, most notably providing research many AI boosters cite to claim foreign influence is driving opposition to new hyperscale projects. Last week, the think tank released a new report calling for a novel solution to the data center permitting bottleneck: direct cash payments from data center projects to individuals involved with building them, as well as residents nearby facilities once they’re operating.
I reached out to BPI and asked for a chat with Lyman about the data center dividend proposal. I also tried to get to the bottom of where this increasingly relevant think tank stands on the general idea of a national data center law. The conversation was immensely informative. So here it is, in a lightly abridged and edited format.
Let’s start with the data center dividend proposal. Walk my readers through it.
Data center dividends came from the idea that, ideally in the AI revolution, we want all Americans to benefit. Especially rural Americans. You look at the landscape today, the majority of AI data centers are being built in rural America. It’s critical they’ll benefit from the massive wealth AI will unlock.
There’s lots of ways to make that happen. People point to the jobs AI data centers will build out, for example. But with data center dividends, we take the logic of the Alaska Permanent Fund and we apply it to America’s rural counties, which are sitting on a proverbial gold mine right now but lack any kind of public mechanism allowing them to benefit from that in a maximal way.
If you look at the tax revenue these data centers create, which is astronomical, how do we distribute this tax revenue in a way where it has the most tangible impact on the families living there? We believe data center dividends are the best way to do that – after allocating money for schools, public safety, and infrastructure, it allows these counties with tens of millions of dollars left over to distribute them as they see fit. They should distribute that money to the men and women who make those data centers happen in the first place.
The most effective form of a dividend would take a direct payment: a cash payment, a physical check, a direct deposit. Or the form of credits paying back property taxes, utility bills, an endowment for scholarships. There’s a number of different forms this can take.
Hopefully this gets the conversation going about how we can make these work for everybody.
Who do you want to see set up this dividend mechanism? How’s your approach to implementation?
The report is addressed to county commissioners. I’m thinking of commissioners who represent both sides of the political spectrum facing this huge backlash. Many of them want to do good by their communities and their voters, even if it means doing a data center, in places where it’s difficult to explain right now. Dividends make this indisputably clear.
I tried to put myself in the shoes of an enterprising county commissioner who sees the merits in the data center buildout and wants to break out of the political storm. It’s important to note data centers can be a huge economic boon for communities, in ways that can impact lives positively.
Have any communities – counties, as you noted – taken this idea up yet? Are there any models for this proposal?
The best analogue is West Feliciana, Louisiana, which is the case study we feature. West Feliciana made an agreement with a data center developer where in lieu of taxes, they make direct payments of about $90 million a year to the parish. That triples the community’s tax budget every year. It leaves ample room not only for essential services but dividends afterwards. Louisiana then passed a law – Act 434 – that allowed West Feliciana to remit some of those payments to residents as a tax credit. This bill first provided the opportunity for the parish to even remit those payments as cash, but it was changed in the legislature to make it a credit. That’s the closest we’ve gotten so far.
As far as reaching out to individual counties, we’re a think tank. We put ideas into the universe. We haven’t had anyone reach out to us since the publication of the report so far but we’re hoping they will.
Your report does lay out how there’s a bottleneck in development and this could help with easing it. Do you see an impetus to put ideas like the dividend out there right now, in light of the increased data center scrutiny in this year’s midterms?
Our publication is irrespective of the midterms. But it is tied to the fact that a bottleneck facing the data center buildout includes it becoming a politicized issue. We’re of the belief these projects shouldn't be political at all. One way to break through the noise is by showing how they can benefit those involved in construction and residents who live there. Data centers are critical infrastructure; other forms of critical infrastructure aren’t being politicized. Our efforts are to demonstrate how these shouldn’t be political.
When it comes to the future of AI data center regulation, this proposal is obviously geared towards incentivizing a resolution to the bottleneck through using resources produced from data centers – namely, new investment.
Where does your organization stand on the increased push for environmental or siting regulation on AI data centers?
I’m not familiar with what you might be referring to there.
I mean, there’s all kinds of proposals at the federal level and in states for everything from being required to pay for infrastructure upgrades to being required to use closed-loop cooling to siting restrictions, like temporary moratoria.
What I’m asking is, what else do you as an organization believe when it comes to regulating AI data center development at the federal level? State level?
We believe data centers should work for the communities where they’re being built. That’s important. So the concept of BYOP – Bring Your Own Power – we very much support that idea. We think the Ratepayer Protection Pledge is a great proposal because ultimately we want data centers, with them being critical infrastructure, to not only strengthen our national security but strengthen the communities where they’re being built.
Some states are rejecting data centers. We think that’s a mistake because it's something that’ll ultimately short-change the people who live there. For the states that do decide to build data centers, it's up to them what regulations make data centers more sustainable over time.
There’s increased public discussion for policy on AI development – as an organization, do you see any role in the federal government making policy here with a national data center law?
We think AI will be key to America’s prosperity over the long-term. We have concerns about the regulation of open-source artificial intelligence; bitcoin is a form of open-source software and open-source money. We believe intelligence should be something available to all Americans. That’s our concern with talk about regulating AI right now, it feels like a ploy for regulatory capture.
But what about national policy on AI data centers? Does your think tank support the national legislature doing a federal data center bill or is that something best for localities or states?
It depends on the bill. Are you talking about Sen. Bernie Sanders’ national moratorium?
With a permitting deal seemingly on the horizon, Republican Gabe Evans and Democrat Scott Peters may be about to see their partnership pay off.
The fate of permitting reform legislation that could smooth the way to all kinds of new and improved energy infrastructure — including transmission lines and renewables — is currently hostage to opaque discussions between Senate committee chairs. Rhode Island Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, the Democratic ranking member of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, told a Rhode Island business group earlier this week that “we’re actually in a pretty good place on permitting reform,” and that there was “maybe another week of negotiations.” Whitehouse’s Republican counterpart on the EPW committee, West Virginia Senator Shelly Moore-Capito, told Semafor on Friday that any bill has “got to pop out of here in the next 48 hours.”
If that’s going to happen, it will be because Republicans and Democrats have decided it’s worth it to get along. Any deal will eventually have to be voted on by the House, which has already produced several bills on a bipartisan basis, and even passed one — the SPEED Act — late last year.
Two of the busier House members on this issue are Scott Peters, a Democratic former environmental lawyer from San Diego, and Gabe Evans, a first term Colorado Republican representing a suburban and rural district north of Denver that includes wind farms and crude oil production. “The district that I represent truly is an all of the above energy district,” Evans told me.
Their latest effort is a bill aimed at smoothing out permitting for transmission development, especially interregional transmission. Last week, the two congressmen unveiled the CLEAR Act, seeking to apply a stricter set of standards for lawsuits against transmission projects that aligned with how natural gas and hydropower projects are treated under the Federal Power Act (it’s much harder to sue to stop these projects). Earlier this year, the two also sponsored the CERTAIN Act, a more comprehensive streamlining of federal permitting for energy infrastructure projects.
“We’re proud to have a lot of our work as the foundation for this, and I think if they send us over something that includes this, it’s got a really good chance of passing in the House,” Peters told me. Evans added that bringing forward bipartisan bills “gives a little bit more impetus to the Senate to know that the House is looking for these things.”
While the Senate’s deal will be up to the senators, Peters told me he envisions a broad permitting package that could include reforms to the National Environmental Policy Act to shorten permitting timelines, preventing the president from nixing individual projects, and reform Section 401 of the Clean Water Act which effectively devolves power to tribes and states to block a variety of interstate projects. “I think it’s coming together pretty well,” Peters said. “Obviously, we’re waiting for white smoke from the Senate.”
A permitting reform package may be one of the last major bills several bipartisan-minded House members get to vote on.
Election day is about six weeks off, and while Peters will likely have an easy time getting reelected for this eighth term, Evans is in a tough race. His purple-hued district is a target for the House Democratic campaign arm, which is hoping to flip it to former Colorado House of Representatives member Manny Rutinel, who worked as a lawyer at the environmental group Earthjustice. The Cook Political Report rates the race as toss-up, and Nate Silver gives Rutinel a roughly 75% to win.
But Rutinel won’t be getting any campaign help from Peters.
When I asked Peters about the timing of releasing a bill that could boost an endangered Republican’s bipartisan bona fides less than two months before an election, Peters told me that he and Evans had been working on it “for a while,” and that “my colleagues know that I’ve worked with Republicans to get problems solved.”
He said he wasn’t “participating in Gabe’s election” and wasn’t giving any money to his campaign, but also that he wouldn’t campaign Evans’ challenger, despite the opportunity to bolster his own caucus.
Peters is not shy about praising Evans. “What I appreciate about Gabe is that it takes a little bit of initiative to separate yourself from the majority — particularly when you’re in the trifecta — and do your own thing. He’s been a good partner in helping find ways to reduce process and make things go faster,” he told me.
Evans told me that he and Peters met early in this Congress, as Evans was getting settled into his new office in the Longworth building. “We’ve built the relationship over the last two years with a lot of the different areas that we’ve collaborated on.”
“I always try to meet the members of my committee and find out who will work with me. And I was fortunate to find Gabe,” Peters said.
“I do want to win the majority in the next Congress,” Peters went on, but “the norm should be that we figure out ways to work together to solve problems, and, you know, we’ll let the voters of Colorado 8 decide who to send me.”
Evans, for his part, told me that he had to work with Democrats to get anything passed as a member of a minuscule Republican minority in the Colorado statehouse, and that the 40-plus members of the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus have agreed not to campaign against each other. “There’s 385 other members that you can go pick fights with,” he said.