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I spoke to experts about why the nascent industry is nothing like other climate solutions.

Is hydrogen really that different from an electric vehicle or a heat pump?
This is the provocative question raised by a letter sent to the U.S. Treasury Department last week by a hydrogen industry group, the latest salvo in an ongoing debate over the rules for a new tax credit for clean hydrogen that was created by the Inflation Reduction Act.
I’ve been covering this debate since December, when the public comment period for the rules first closed, and it has only grown fiercer as everyone awaits the Department’s decision. Clean hydrogen is essential to reduce emissions from fertilizer production, and likely a number of other industries, such as aviation, shipping, and steelmaking. But climate advocates and clean energy experts warn that producing hydrogen using electricity, a method incentivized by the tax credit, could actually increase greenhouse gas emissions unless the electricity comes from new wind, solar, or other carbon-free generators.
Industry groups say the opposite is true. Last week’s letter, penned by the Fuel Cell & Hydrogen Energy Association argued that this so-called “additionality” rule would “stifle the clean hydrogen market by adding unreasonable costs and delays,” thereby hurting the United States’ climate goals. The letter was signed by more than 50 companies and organizations, including Plug Power, Constellation Energy, Baker Hughes, the Chamber of Commerce, and General Motors,
When the government hands out subsidies for electric vehicles and heat pumps, it doesn’t require recipients to erect solar arrays, the letter points out. “It would be arbitrary and unfounded to presume hydrogen to have any more detrimental impact to the efforts to decarbonize than any other electric load,” it says.
On the surface, the comparison is compelling. But when I ran it by proponents of additionality, the logic broke down very quickly. And it’s worth talking about why hydrogen plants are, for a number of reasons, nothing like those other climate solutions, because the answers get to the heart of some of the risks and trade-offs of scaling up this new industry.
The Inflation Reduction Act explicitly says that hydrogen companies must meet certain emission thresholds to qualify for the tax credit, taking into account the “lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions” of production. It does not say that for electric vehicles or heat pumps.
The law establishes a tiered system, where hydrogen producers can earn more money depending on how low their emissions are. But researchers like Jesse Jenkins, a macro-scale energy systems engineer at Princeton University, have calculated that without additionality, electrolysis, an electricity-intensive method of making clean hydrogen, will induce so much new carbon pollution that it won’t even meet the minimum threshold to qualify for the credit.
That’s because when you add demand to the grid without adding any new energy supply, it’s almost guaranteed to cause a natural gas or coal plant to run more. Those are the only power plants we have right now that are capable of increasing their output to meet demand — especially at times of day when wind and solar are not available.
If companies are allowed to sign contracts with existing wind farms or nuclear power plants to qualify for the tax credit, this would simply rearrange the paperwork about who “owns” these resources. It wouldn’t change the outcome in the real world, where more coal would be shoveled into a power plant, spewing more carbon into the atmosphere. Jenkins’ lab modeled the long-term effects on energy markets and found that coal and natural gas plants that might have otherwise closed could even be kept open longer because of the increased demand for power.
“The letter does not even attempt to argue that a lack of additionality would be compatible with the emissions thresholds established by the law,” he said in an email.
Jenkins added that the law references a section of the Clean Air Act which defines “lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions” as “including direct emissions and significant indirect emissions.” (Emphasis added by Jenkins.) “This is simply the letter of the law,” he said. “Take it up with Congress!”
There’s a good reason Congress made this distinction.
Yes, the new electric load from EV charging and heat pumps will also often be met by firing up more fossil fuel power plants in the near term. However, electric vehicles and heat pumps are so much more efficient than the combustion engines and natural gas furnaces they replace, that they almost always reduce emissions regardless of where the electricity comes from.
The Department of Energy estimates that in Wyoming, for example, where more than 75% of electricity comes from coal, an electric vehicle’s annual carbon footprint would be less than half that of a gas-powered vehicle. And homeowners who replace their gas furnaces with heat pumps would reduce their emissions in at least 46 states, according to a 2020 study by the clean energy research organization RMI.
Electrolysis, on the other hand, is not more efficient than the reformation of natural gas, which is the carbon-intensive way most hydrogen is made today. Jenkins and others estimate that hydrogen plants would produce twice as many emissions as that process if they just plug into the grid, without bringing any new, clean electricity online.
Additionality proponents argue that it would be a huge mistake to subsidize the production of a fuel that does not have lower emissions than what it replaces. “If that is the final outcome,” said Jenkins, “the hydrogen subsidy will go down in history as a costly policy disaster, and the whole concept of ‘green hydrogen’ will become a farce.”
Conceptually, producing hydrogen is totally different from buying an electric car. “An electrolyser is not an end use appliance like an EV or a heat pump – it’s an intermediate step in the energy supply chain,” said Morgan Rote, director of U.S. climate policy at the Environmental Defense Fund.
Reaching this intermediate step requires so much energy that the benefits of producing hydrogen depend as much on what we use it for as how it’s made. Rote said that using hydrogen as a fuel for home heating or road transportation would require three to seven times more energy than switching to heat pumps and EVs. Many climate advocates argue that it should be reserved for applications that can’t otherwise run directly on electricity.
Danny Cullenward, a climate economist and research fellow at American University, said concerns about how hydrogen is made and used are “all the more pronounced given the extremely generous subsidy levels” in the tax credit. “Basically, [the tax credit] points a giant funnel of money at a technology that has a critical role, but one that must be carefully tailored to produce short- and long-term benefits.”
Cullenward suggested another reason the government should hold hydrogen producers to a higher standard than EV and heat pump buyers when doling out subsidies: Because it can.
“It's not unreasonable or infeasible to ask projects at the $100 million or $1 billion scale to procure clean energy,” he said. “In contrast, it would be administratively infeasible to ask homeowners to procure clean energy.”
He pointed to a recent analysis by the nonprofit Energy Innovation, which found that subjecting hydrogen producers to tight standards, like an additionality requirement, would not result in “unreasonable costs and delays” as the industry claims. By contrast, the report found that the tax credit is so generous that even with stringent emissions accounting rules like additionality, projects in many parts of the country will be able to sell their hydrogen at or below $1 per kilogram, outcompeting conventional hydrogen.
There are a lot of uncertainties about what it will take to successfully scale up clean hydrogen in the U.S., and disagreement about what the biggest near-term priorities should be.
But one thing that is clear: Clean hydrogen is a unique climate solution with specific risks and tradeoffs that can’t be ignored.
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The movement against data centers is raising up a raison d'etre of the anti-renewables movement: protecting would-be farmland.
Farm owners and operators across the U.S. are winning national headlines almost every week for rejecting big dollar offers from data center developers. In Hanover County, Virginia, protestors are chanting “Grow Tomatoes, Not Data Centers.” In Pennsylvania and elsewhere, Republican legislators are mulling proposals to block the sale of so-called “prime farmland” for data center development. In Texas, the fight over data center development has engulfed the race for the state’s ag commissioner seat. In the Midwest, where agriculture reigns supreme, statewide races and congressional campaigns are slowly but surely being defined by the issue. Like in Nebraska where Austin Ahlman, an independent candidate running for Congress in Nebraska’s first district, told me he believes the data center backlash is reflective of a populist politics that broadly criticize elites and top-down control of the economy: “I think sometimes people misunderstand the anxieties of rural Americans when it comes to these data centers because a lot of their fears are about control long term.”
Unlike the farmland backlash around renewable energy development, the loudest critics are on the anti-monopolist left. On Wednesday, the prominent opposition group Food and Water Watch signaled farmland could soon be a watchword in the national data center debate – in a fashion analogous to what we’ve seen with renewable energy. The organization’s blog post entitled “The AI Data Center Boom Is Coming for Farmers” declared data centers verboten because of the threat they posed to “small and midsized family farmers.” Mitch Jones, deputy director of the campaign outfit, said he believes the threat to farmland is “a compelling reason to oppose data center development” but that his organization’s fight is primarily focused on protecting small business owners and an anti-monopoly sentiment.
“If data centers are coming into their areas, this puts even more pressure on them. It drives up the cost of their electricity, just as it does anyone else. It competes with them for water for crops, and it affects the value of their land in a perverse way,” Jones told me.
None of this should be surprising. An agricultural workforce has always been a good barometer for figuring out if a community will accept new infrastructure of any kind. We’ve seen as much time and time again with renewable energy, carbon capture, fossil energy and mining, just to name a few industries.
This same rule is true with data centers. In April, county commissioners in Kosciusko County, Indiana, unanimously rejected a Prologis data center; nearly 90% of acreage in Kosciusko County is being actively farmed, according to the Heatmap Pro database. Linn County, Iowa, in February enacted a rule severely restricting data center development in unincorporated areas; almost three-fourths of the land is used by the ag sector. A potential Amazon facility is causing heartburn in Clinton County, Ohio; nearly all land in the county is used for farming and utility-scale solar development has a recent history of conflict with landowners.
To be candid, I’m struck by the similarity in the backlash over siting data centers on farmland – a resemblance so close that some counties are starting to restrict renewable energy and data center development on farmland at the same time. This week, Eau Claire County, Wisconsin created a new “farmland preservation plan” discouraging utility-scale solar energy and data centers on any potential farmland. (More than 40% of land in this county is currently being used for farmland, according to Heatmap Pro.)
Jones at Food and Water Watch said his organization taking on the “protect farmland” mantle had nothing to do with the success this argument has had against renewable energy. “That thought never entered my head,” he told me, adding that if communities respond to the data center backlash by taking steps that short-circuit solar and wind too, that’s “a coincidence.”
I kept pressing. What if the pivot to farmland protection leads to more communities restricting renewable energy along with the data centers? “If you’re looking for a reason to oppose solar and wind, you can come up with that without having to attach data centers to it,” Jones said. “We’ve seen rural communities oppose solar and wind before data centers blew up across the country. It’s nothing new.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Virginia Beach, Virginia – The right-wing interest group lawsuit against Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind is now dead, concluding one of the wackier tales of the Trump 2.0 energy era.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – Call it the Box Elder County massacre.
3. Davidson County, Tennessee – We have the latest updates in the Nashville Zoo data center drama and they’re a doozy and a half.
4. Clark County, Ohio – Yet another utility-scale solar farm is in the Ohio state permitting graveyard.
A conversation with Hanson Wood of RWE
This week’s conversation is with Hanson Wood, chief development officer for solar developer RWE. Wood’s perspective felt crucial at a moment when the data center boom is leading to so much deal volume – even after the repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act. So I reached out to his team to see if we could talk about how he’s evaluating all things Fight-related, including the impacts of the data center backlash on solar itself. The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
How is solar finding opportunities in the data center development space? I know there’s conversations about speed-to-power and some deal volume, but help us get a better sense of the level of capacity being sought versus fossil or other forms of energy.
Great question. To contextualize, I think it just makes sense to talk about energy demand overall. Solar is filling the base of where the majority of load growth and generation is coming from and going to be served.
Over the last decade, the cost of solar has gone down dramatically. It’s become a very modular technology being deployed in a variety of locations. It can be deployed very quickly at low cost. It can ramp to meet short-term demand needs. And within the space of just energy demand, across utilities and large industrial data center companies, the reality is no single technology is going to be able to serve overall demand. Everything from solar to onshore wind and geothermal and other forms of flexible generation are needed.
What this speaks to is how our grid is pretty finite. We have to be able to mix and match a variety of products to be able to meet an ever-growing reliability need. To make it simple, I think solar’s going to serve the largest base of growing demand because it's cheap and it's available. But it’s not going to be the only technology. We need to be able to serve this load growth reliably. And we know this is going to require a diversity of technologies.
From a social license perspective, does solar power for a data center make it more acceptable for a community? Less acceptable? More friendly?
One thing I want to be clear about: I don’t develop data centers. So I’m looking at it through the same view many people in the industry and the public see it.
I think there’s manifold reasons why people have concerns about data centers, overall. I can’t speak for all of them. But what solar does address is, we don’t want to see large price spikes in the short term and solar can really help in that regard. It can provide near-term generation immediately in a lot of instances at one of the lowest costs in the market.
Whether the broader public makes that connection, it’s probably too early to see. There’s probably a lot of anxiety that has to be addressed by that [data center] community.
When it comes to the state of solar development, have the feelings around data center infrastructure we’ve seen in various places impacted solar projects?
Solar is more often in what we consider rural areas where there’s more of a conservative viewpoint generally.
Where I think we stand in the solar industry is that in the 2010s we were looked at as a one-off, and now what we see as the challenge is that as solar scales, communities are looking at the scale and potential of what solar will be bringing. A lot of the conversations we have with [them] are, is this changing the local character? How is this impacting our way of life?
And the way we try to approach that is to highlight a lot of the public benefits. Renewables are generating significant jobs, locally as well as through funding local services. Farmers setting aside land for renewables are also funding their farms and way of life. I’ve heard testimonials from farmers who’ve said they wouldn’t be able to continue on without the revenue from solar or BESS projects.
The broader community is concerned solar is displacing rural farming, but what we hear from rural landowners is that these projects are allowing them to keep their farms.
Most people when they start looking at renewables, they don’t make that connection. They’re primed to ask, what’s the downside here? But it’s nothing in terms of physical land while the economic value it brings is long-term. It’s 30 years — at a time when the American public is seeing lots of headwinds.
I know at a broader level, you’re addressing the conflicts in solar energy. Do you think the solar industry offers any lessons for the folks now trying to get data centers built?
Anyone who is building large infrastructure projects can’t ignore early community engagement. One of the things people should be thinking about as they’re developing projects is these things are going to be here 20, 30 years, right? When we develop those projects we are trying to build relationships in a sustainable fashion.
We really take into consideration the concerns we hear. Again, people are primed to see the downside in any development, and without that early engagement – genuinely – you risk whether other people come along and hear the benefits or feel like their voice mattered in the process of development.