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What happens to the grid when the sun goes away?

Early April is typically a kind of goldilocks moment for solar power. Days are getting longer but the weather is still mild, meaning that higher solar power generation isn’t entirely eaten up by increased demand due to air conditioning.
But that all depends on the sun actually shining.
Monday’s solar eclipse took a big chunk of power off the grid. Since 2017’s eclipse, solar power generation has increased substantially, both locally (think rooftops) and at utility scale (think massive fields of solar panels). In 2017, the U.S. had around 35 gigawatts of utility-scale solar capacity, a figure that had increased to an estimated 95 gigawatts by the end of 2023.
While total solar eclipses are rare (the next one to hit the lower 48 isn’t expected until 2044), the challenges they present to grid operators may be part of the new normal. With vastly expanded renewable energy generation comes a greater degree of unpredictability, as a growing a portion of the generation fleet can drop off the grid due to weather and climate conditions — like, say, clouds of smoke from a wildfire — that cannot be precisely predicted by 17th century science.
Grid operators were confident they’d be able to manage through the eclipse without any reliability issues, and what actually transpired mostly confirmed their forecasts. In Texas, solar power production shrunk from around 13.5 gigawatts at noon, making up 27% of the grid’s electricity supply, to a mere 0.8 gigawatts at 1:30 p.m. Things did not go as well for the Midcontinent Independent System Operator, however, which includes a swath of the middle of the country from Minnesota to Indiana to Louisiana. Solar output was estimated to drop from around 4 gigawatts at 1 p.m. Central time to 2 gigawatts an hour later, according to Grid Status. Instead, output dropped to around 300 megawatts, causing real-time prices for power on the grid to spike.

Overall, the U.S. Energy Information Administration estimated that some 6,500 megawatts of solar generation capacity would be fully obscured during the eclipse, which would “partially block sunlight to facilities with a combined 84.8 GW of capacity in an even larger swath of the United States around peak solar generating time.” Some 40 gigawatts may have come off the grid, enough power for about 28 million homes, according to a release from Solcast, a solar forecasting company.
By comparison, during the 2017 eclipse, solar power loss at its peak was between 4 and 6.5 gigawatts and the total loss of power was around 11 gigawatts, according to the National Renewable Energy Laboratory.
In states like Texas, the main effect was on utility-scale production of solar, but in the Northeast and parts of the mid-Atlantic and Midwest, there was also a related problem: Behind-the-meter solar fell off, too, thus requiring the homes and businesses that generate power for themselves in the middle of the day to get more power from the grid, increasing demand on the grid at a time of low supply.
New England has seen immense growth in rooftop solar, and solar production was expected to fall by “thousands” of megawatts, according to ISO New England, while the New York Independent System Operators expected to lose 700 megawatts of behind the meter solar.
During the 2017 eclipse, the National Renewable Energy Laboratory found that “the burden of compensating for the lost energy from solar generators fell to the thermal fleet,” i.e. natural gas, along with some increases in coal and hydropower production.
Since then, the coal fleet has shrunk, thus putting more of the burden of responding to Monday’s eclipse onto gas and hydro, but the basic logic still applies. “Grid operators are expected to rely on natural gas to ensure stability and meet the household demand spike across national grids, as was done during the previous eclipse in 2023 in California and Texas,” according to Solcast. As the sun was dimming in Texas, natural gas generation rose from 18.7 gigawatts to 27.5 gigawatts.
Something else that’s changed since 2017: batteries. By the end of 2023, Texas had installed 5.6 gigawatts of grid storage, most of it providing so-called “ancillary services,” power sources that can respond quickly to immediate needs. ERCOT, the electricity market that covers most of Texas, said in a presentation back in February that it would rely on these ancillary tools to get through the eclipse, and once again, it was right. Power from batteries on the grid got up 1.4 gigawatts during the eclipse.
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to reflect the actual effects of the eclipse on U.S. power generation.
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There is a heat wave in Europe, the world’s fastest warming continent. And so, as you may have heard, a perennial topic of online climate discourse has returned: Why don’t more Europeans have air conditioning?
I’m partially convinced this is psy op, or at least a figment of how social media organizes attention. I have a hypothesis that various “For You” page algorithms, especially that of the social network X, began to reward content that performed unusually well across national borders a few years ago. Since then, the amount of America vs. Europe content has surged. (Of course, writers have been comparing American and European lifestyles for much longer than that.)
Suffice it to say, though: It’s a fraught topic. I’ve assumed that as extreme heat gets worse as the climate changes, Europeans will simply get on with it and install AC, much as Americans in the Pacific Northwest have done. Yet there are cultural and regulatory obstacles to AC’s growth in Europe.
I’m sure I’ll write about it in the future, but for now I want to get a grip on the facts themselves. And so as a Friday special, I present to you — the facts about European AC, as I understand it:
Thanks so much for reading, and talk soon.
The movement against data centers is raising up a raison d'etre of the anti-renewables movement: protecting would-be farmland.
Farm owners and operators across the U.S. are winning national headlines almost every week for rejecting big dollar offers from data center developers. In Hanover County, Virginia, protestors are chanting “Grow Tomatoes, Not Data Centers.” In Pennsylvania and elsewhere, Republican legislators are mulling proposals to block the sale of so-called “prime farmland” for data center development. In Texas, the fight over data center development has engulfed the race for the state’s ag commissioner seat. In the Midwest, where agriculture reigns supreme, statewide races and congressional campaigns are slowly but surely being defined by the issue. Like in Nebraska where Austin Ahlman, an independent candidate running for Congress in Nebraska’s first district, told me he believes the data center backlash is reflective of a populist politics that broadly criticize elites and top-down control of the economy: “I think sometimes people misunderstand the anxieties of rural Americans when it comes to these data centers because a lot of their fears are about control long term.”
Unlike the farmland backlash around renewable energy development, the loudest critics are on the anti-monopolist left. On Wednesday, the prominent opposition group Food and Water Watch signaled farmland could soon be a watchword in the national data center debate – in a fashion analogous to what we’ve seen with renewable energy. The organization’s blog post entitled “The AI Data Center Boom Is Coming for Farmers” declared data centers verboten because of the threat they posed to “small and midsized family farmers.” Mitch Jones, deputy director of the campaign outfit, said he believes the threat to farmland is “a compelling reason to oppose data center development” but that his organization’s fight is primarily focused on protecting small business owners and an anti-monopoly sentiment.
“If data centers are coming into their areas, this puts even more pressure on them. It drives up the cost of their electricity, just as it does anyone else. It competes with them for water for crops, and it affects the value of their land in a perverse way,” Jones told me.
None of this should be surprising. An agricultural workforce has always been a good barometer for figuring out if a community will accept new infrastructure of any kind. We’ve seen as much time and time again with renewable energy, carbon capture, fossil energy and mining, just to name a few industries.
This same rule is true with data centers. In April, county commissioners in Kosciusko County, Indiana, unanimously rejected a Prologis data center; nearly 90% of acreage in Kosciusko County is being actively farmed, according to the Heatmap Pro database. Linn County, Iowa, in February enacted a rule severely restricting data center development in unincorporated areas; almost three-fourths of the land is used by the ag sector. A potential Amazon facility is causing heartburn in Clinton County, Ohio; nearly all land in the county is used for farming and utility-scale solar development has a recent history of conflict with landowners.
To be candid, I’m struck by the similarity in the backlash over siting data centers on farmland – a resemblance so close that some counties are starting to restrict renewable energy and data center development on farmland at the same time. This week, Eau Claire County, Wisconsin created a new “farmland preservation plan” discouraging utility-scale solar energy and data centers on any potential farmland. (More than 40% of land in this county is currently being used for farmland, according to Heatmap Pro.)
Jones at Food and Water Watch said his organization taking on the “protect farmland” mantle had nothing to do with the success this argument has had against renewable energy. “That thought never entered my head,” he told me, adding that if communities respond to the data center backlash by taking steps that short-circuit solar and wind too, that’s “a coincidence.”
I kept pressing. What if the pivot to farmland protection leads to more communities restricting renewable energy along with the data centers? “If you’re looking for a reason to oppose solar and wind, you can come up with that without having to attach data centers to it,” Jones said. “We’ve seen rural communities oppose solar and wind before data centers blew up across the country. It’s nothing new.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Virginia Beach, Virginia – The right-wing interest group lawsuit against Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind is now dead, concluding one of the wackier tales of the Trump 2.0 energy era.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – Call it the Box Elder County massacre.
3. Davidson County, Tennessee – We have the latest updates in the Nashville Zoo data center drama and they’re a doozy and a half.
4. Clark County, Ohio – Yet another utility-scale solar farm is in the Ohio state permitting graveyard.