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Climate adaptation, from the people who brought you Saturdays
Between the delivery drivers, nurses, graduate students, dockworkers, school teachers, hotel workers, pilots, Starbucks employees, actors, writers, and — potentially — auto workers who have either gone on strike or threatened to go on strike, this summer has become what many are calling “hot labor summer.”
But it’s also just been hot — literally one of the hottest summers on record. And in one way or another the heat affected workers of all kinds around the country. A hot hot labor summer, if you will.
In Los Angeles, NBCUniversal aggressively trimmed the ficus trees that had provided striking writers with shade, which the studio claimed was unrelated to the strikes but nevertheless led to a $250 fine from the city for trimming the trees without a permit. The next week, UPS averted a strike by reaching an agreement with the Teamsters that would, among other things, lead to the installation of air-conditioning units inside delivery vans. Meanwhile, in Texas, the governor signed a bill that would invalidate mandatory water breaks for construction workers. The bill won’t take effect until September 1, but already a construction worker collapsed at a job site outside of Houston and later died from hyperthermia — in other words, he overheated.
This trend will continue: As the world heats up, working conditions will get worse. And unions are starting to become essential to climate adaptation.
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“Workers, particularly workers from communities of color and low-income communities, are on the front lines of climate change,” Lara Skinner, executive director of the Climate Jobs Institute at Cornell University, told me. “Unions are a key voice in figuring out how we deal with extreme weather and protect workers from it, but also in figuring out how we deal with the climate crisis more generally.”
Unions are famously responsible for leading the fights that created the eight-hour workday and the weekend. Those standards quickly became the norm in society at large, not just for union members. Skinner and Mark Brenner, an economist at the University of Oregon’s Labor Education and Research Center, told me unions have a unique, generational chance to do the same thing for climate change.
In Portland, Oregon, for example, teachers’ unions are organizing to develop standards that would establish minimum and maximum temperatures in the classroom. If they come to an agreement that leads to the installation of HVAC systems to keep classrooms comfortable, it won’t be just the unionized teachers who benefit — their students and other school staff will as well.
“A lot of unions have kind of walked into this through an occupational safety and health lens,” Brenner told me. The last few summers, in particular, have been a wake-up call, he said. “I’ve seen a ton of unions, some of which I never would have expected, start to think about the ways that these questions are affecting their workforce and how they need to be addressing them on a longer-range horizon than what maybe they’ve historically thought about.”
Construction unions are a good example. Major construction projects tend to happen over the summer, Brenner said, and the unions are concerned about the heat either negatively affecting workers’ health or causing work stoppages, which would affect their paychecks. So they’re increasingly seeing the value in supporting decarbonization projects, because the long-term benefits would, ideally, be lower temperatures and safer working conditions.
The unions weren’t always so on board with climate legislation. In 2020, Politicoreported that trade unions representing workers who historically would find employment on projects linked to fossil fuels — including construction unions — had blocked multiple state-level initiatives aimed at combating climate change. But as extreme weather worsens, and as the economic opportunity in decarbonization becomes clearer, they’re starting to come around.
It helps that the Biden administration has been vocal about the impact of heat on workers (and that President Biden has been aggressively wooing union members for years). In late July, the White House announced steps it was taking to protect workers from extreme heat, such as having the Department of Labor issue a hazard alert for heat, and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) is expected to release a long-awaited national heat safety standard sometime this year.
And then there’s BIL and IRA — the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act.
“That legislative agenda coming out of the Biden administration had a huge impact because it took the issue out of the realm of right and wrong and moved it into the realm of policy,” Brenner said. Suddenly it became clear to unions, even ones that had historically been uninterested in climate change, that there was a significant economic opportunity in clean energy and climate adaptation. It was a reckoning, Brenner said. “Like, these things are going to happen. We’re either going to be part of addressing these problems, or we’re going to be completely sidelined.”
Last year, I wrote about how clean energy jobs pay less than fossil fuel jobs, in part because fossil fuel workers have strong, storied unions that secured high pay and good benefits. If that continues, the workers who are responsible for building the infrastructure that will help the country decarbonize could end up with fewer protections and lower pay.
“There are challenges around job loss and the proliferation of non-union jobs in these new sectors,” Skinner said. “But there’s also a ton of opportunities. The amount of work that we have to do to address climate change is astronomical, right? We just really have to get so much done in the next few decades.”
The unions aren’t working alone. Around the country, unions have come together to create climate jobs coalitions that push for unionized jobs on clean energy projects and legislation that will protect workers’ health as climate change makes labor conditions more dangerous.
“I’m pleasantly surprised at the ways in which many unions are responding to this and starting to embrace these questions, not just in the reactive short-term, but in a much more strategic, longer-term way,” Brenner said. “So I think there’s a lot of reason to be hopeful that the labor movement could be a force for good.”
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The Loan Programs Office is good for more than just nuclear funding.
That China has a whip hand over the rare earths mining and refining industry is one of the few things Washington can agree on.
That’s why Alex Jacquez, who worked on industrial policy for Joe Biden’s National Economic Council, found it “astounding”when he read in the Washington Post this week that the White House was trying to figure out on the fly what to do about China restricting exports of rare earth metals in response to President Trump’s massive tariffs on the country’s imports.
Rare earth metals have a wide variety of applications, including for magnets in medical technology, defense, and energy productssuch as wind turbines and electric motors.
Jacquez told me there has been “years of work, including by the first Trump administration, that has pointed to this exact case as the worst-case scenario that could happen in an escalation with China.” It stands to reason, then, that experienced policymakers in the Trump administration might have been mindful of forestalling this when developing their tariff plan. But apparently not.
“The lines of attack here are numerous,” Jacquez said. “The fact that the National Economic Council and others are apparently just thinking about this for the first time is pretty shocking.”
And that’s not the only thing the Trump administration is doing that could hamper American access to rare earths and critical minerals.
Though China still effectively controls the global pipeline for most critical minerals (a broader category that includes rare earths as well as more commonly known metals and minerals such as lithium and cobalt), the U.S. has been at work for at least the past five years developing its own domestic supply chain. Much of that work has fallen to the Department of Energy, whose Loan Programs Office has funded mining and processing facilities, and whose Office of Manufacturing and Energy Supply Chains hasfunded and overseen demonstration projects for rare earths and critical minerals mining and refining.
The LPO is in line for dramatic cuts, as Heatmap has reported. So, too, are other departments working on rare earths, including the Office of Manufacturing and Energy Supply Chains. In its zeal to slash the federal government, the Trump administration may have to start from scratch in its efforts to build up a rare earths supply chain.
The Department of Energy did not reply to a request for comment.
This vulnerability to China has been well known in Washington for years, including by the first Trump administration.
“Our dependence on one country, the People's Republic of China (China), for multiple critical minerals is particularly concerning,” then-President Trump said in a 2020 executive order declaring a “national emergency” to deal with “our Nation's undue reliance on critical minerals.” At around the same time, the Loan Programs Office issued guidance “stating a preference for projects related to critical mineral” for applicants for the office’s funding, noting that “80 percent of its rare earth elements directly from China.” Using the Defense Production Act, the Trump administration also issued a grant to the company operating America's sole rare earth mine, MP Materials, to help fund a processing facility at the site of its California mine.
The Biden administration’s work on rare earths and critical minerals was almost entirely consistent with its predecessor’s, just at a greater scale and more focused on energy. About a month after taking office, President Bidenissued an executive order calling for, among other things, a Defense Department report “identifying risks in the supply chain for critical minerals and other identified strategic materials, including rare earth elements.”
Then as part of the Inflation Reduction Act in 2022, the Biden administration increased funding for LPO, which supported a number of critical minerals projects. It also funneled more money into MP Materials — including a $35 million contract from the Department of Defense in 2022 for the California project. In 2024, it awarded the company a competitive tax credit worth $58.5 million to help finance construction of its neodymium-iron-boron magnet factory in Texas. That facilitybegan commercial operation earlier this year.
The finished magnets will be bought by General Motors for its electric vehicles. But even operating at full capacity, it won’t be able to do much to replace China’s production. The MP Metals facility is projected to produce 1,000 tons of the magnets per year.China produced 138,000 tons of NdFeB magnets in 2018.
The Trump administration is not averse to direct financial support for mining and minerals projects, but they seem to want to do it a different way. Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum has proposed using a sovereign wealth fund to invest in critical mineral mines. There is one big problem with that plan, however: the U.S. doesn’t have one (for the moment, at least).
“LPO can invest in mining projects now,” Jacquez told me. “Cutting 60% of their staff and the experts who work on this is not going to give certainty to the business community if they’re looking to invest in a mine that needs some government backstop.”
And while the fate of the Inflation Reduction Act remains very much in doubt, the subsidies it provided for electric vehicles, solar, and wind, along with domestic content requirements have been a major source of demand for critical minerals mining and refining projects in the United States.
“It’s not something we’re going to solve overnight,” Jacquez said. “But in the midst of a maximalist trade with China, it is something we will have to deal with on an overnight basis, unless and until there’s some kind of de-escalation or agreement.”
A conversation with VDE Americas CEO Brian Grenko.
This week’s Q&A is about hail. Last week, we explained how and why hail storm damage in Texas may have helped galvanize opposition to renewable energy there. So I decided to reach out to Brian Grenko, CEO of renewables engineering advisory firm VDE Americas, to talk about how developers can make sure their projects are not only resistant to hail but also prevent that sort of pushback.
The following conversation has been lightly edited for clarity.
Hiya Brian. So why’d you get into the hail issue?
Obviously solar panels are made with glass that can allow the sunlight to come through. People have to remember that when you install a project, you’re financing it for 35 to 40 years. While the odds of you getting significant hail in California or Arizona are low, it happens a lot throughout the country. And if you think about some of these large projects, they may be in the middle of nowhere, but they are taking hundreds if not thousands of acres of land in some cases. So the chances of them encountering large hail over that lifespan is pretty significant.
We partnered with one of the country’s foremost experts on hail and developed a really interesting technology that can digest radar data and tell folks if they’re developing a project what the [likelihood] will be if there’s significant hail.
Solar panels can withstand one-inch hail – a golfball size – but once you get over two inches, that’s when hail starts breaking solar panels. So it’s important to understand, first and foremost, if you’re developing a project, you need to know the frequency of those events. Once you know that, you need to start thinking about how to design a system to mitigate that risk.
The government agencies that look over land use, how do they handle this particular issue? Are there regulations in place to deal with hail risk?
The regulatory aspects still to consider are about land use. There are authorities with jurisdiction at the federal, state, and local level. Usually, it starts with the local level and with a use permit – a conditional use permit. The developer goes in front of the township or the city or the county, whoever has jurisdiction of wherever the property is going to go. That’s where it gets political.
To answer your question about hail, I don’t know if any of the [authority having jurisdictions] really care about hail. There are folks out there that don’t like solar because it’s an eyesore. I respect that – I don’t agree with that, per se, but I understand and appreciate it. There’s folks with an agenda that just don’t want solar.
So okay, how can developers approach hail risk in a way that makes communities more comfortable?
The bad news is that solar panels use a lot of glass. They take up a lot of land. If you have hail dropping from the sky, that’s a risk.
The good news is that you can design a system to be resilient to that. Even in places like Texas, where you get large hail, preparing can mean the difference between a project that is destroyed and a project that isn’t. We did a case study about a project in the East Texas area called Fighting Jays that had catastrophic damage. We’re very familiar with the area, we work with a lot of clients, and we found three other projects within a five-mile radius that all had minimal damage. That simple decision [to be ready for when storms hit] can make the complete difference.
And more of the week’s big fights around renewable energy.
1. Long Island, New York – We saw the face of the resistance to the war on renewable energy in the Big Apple this week, as protestors rallied in support of offshore wind for a change.
2. Elsewhere on Long Island – The city of Glen Cove is on the verge of being the next New York City-area community with a battery storage ban, discussing this week whether to ban BESS for at least one year amid fire fears.
3. Garrett County, Maryland – Fight readers tell me they’d like to hear a piece of good news for once, so here’s this: A 300-megawatt solar project proposed by REV Solar in rural Maryland appears to be moving forward without a hitch.
4. Stark County, Ohio – The Ohio Public Siting Board rejected Samsung C&T’s Stark Solar project, citing “consistent opposition to the project from each of the local government entities and their impacted constituents.”
5. Ingham County, Michigan – GOP lawmakers in the Michigan State Capitol are advancing legislation to undo the state’s permitting primacy law, which allows developers to evade municipalities that deny projects on unreasonable grounds. It’s unlikely the legislation will become law.
6. Churchill County, Nevada – Commissioners have upheld the special use permit for the Redwood Materials battery storage project we told you about last week.