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Energy Innovation has some bad news for House Republicans.

House Republicans are racing to overcome intraparty disagreements and deliver their “one big, beautiful” budget bill to the Senate before the Memorial Day weekend. As currently written, the bill would render the nation’s clean energy tax credits largely inaccessible, severely impairing clean energy development.
We now have a more detailed picture of what’s at stake if this bill or something like it makes it all the way to the president’s desk. The research firm Energy Innovation modeled all of the energy and environment provisions in the version of the bill that passed the House Budget Committee on Sunday night. It found that the proposed changes to oil and gas leasing, greenhouse gas emissions standards, and tax credits, could cost the United States more than $1 trillion in GDP over the next decade compared to a world where these policies remain untouched.
That number is a reflection of the narrow subset of policies the group modeled and does not take into account Trump’s tax cuts. In theory, those could have a positive effect on GDP that offsets some of the loss. But the effects on energy costs and jobs on their own tell a grim story.
By 2030, the average American would spend $120 more per year on transportation and home energy costs than they otherwise would. By 2035, the increase would climb to more than $230. Lower demand for clean technologies like electric vehicles and solar panels would kill more than 700,000 potential jobs across the economy in 2035.
Energy Innovation isn’t the only group warning of dire consequences. The bill “represents a crisis for America’s ability to build the energy infrastructure we need to meet surging demand,” Abigail Ross Hopper, the CEO and president of the Solar Energy Industries Association said in a statement yesterday. The group estimates that the bill would put 287 factories that serve the solar industry at risk of closing or never opening in the first place. Most of those are in red states.
The forecasts stem from key changes the GOP is proposing to make to tax credits that incentivize wind and solar development, domestic manufacturing, and consumer adoption of electric vehicles and energy efficiency upgrades. The bill would end these subsidies earlier than currently planned (though how much earlier is currently in flux), and impose stricter materials sourcing requirements, tighter development timelines, and more rigid project finance rules for the years they remain in effect, making it nearly impossible to use them.
As a result, fewer wind, solar, and energy storage projects would get built. Those that did get built would cost more, meaning that natural gas would set the price in energy markets more frequently. Natural gas would also be more expensive because of higher demand. The Energy Information Administration already expects natural gas costs to rise this year and next, even without changes to tax incentives. Altogether, generating electricity would cost about 50% more in 2035 than it otherwise would, according to Energy Innovation, which would translate to roughly 17% higher bills for consumers.
Budget hawks in the House are now pushing for an even more aggressive phase-out of the green tax credits before they agree to send their legislation to the Senate, and the Republican leadership can afford to lose just three votes on the floor, giving them a narrow window to please everyone. But the earlier phase-out would have little impact on Energy Innovation’s findings, Robbie Orvis, the senior director for modeling and analysis for the group, told me. The existing provisions in the bill that prevent companies from sourcing materials from China would be so difficult to meet that the model assumes the affected credits would be unclaimable beginning next year.
The modeling shows a similar effect in transportation costs. Terminating the tax credit for electric vehicles would lower demand for EVs and increase demand for gasoline, causing prices at the pump to go up. Less demand for EVs would also mean fewer domestic jobs producing them, and fewer jobs producing the components that go into them. Then there’s the overall tightening of purse strings that would come as a result of higher energy costs, which could reduce hiring still further.
Orvis said the estimates for job loss are likely conservative, as the model looks at changes in demand for EVs and other clean technologies but doesn’t do a good job accounting for the changes in supply that would result from early repeal of 45X, the clean manufacturing tax credit.
Notably, energy costs go up in the model despite provisions in the bill that are designed to lower the cost of oil and gas. Those include more frequent lease sales and lower royalty rates for companies that pay to drill on federal lands and waters. But Energy Innovation found that demand-driven price increases more than offset any price declines resulting from these measures.
The tax credit termination also isn’t the only factor here. Energy Innovation included the House’s proposed repeal of the Environmental Protection Agency’s emissions standards for cars and trucks, which amplified the effects. This provision may not make it into the final text, however, as the special rules governing the budget reconciliation process in the Senate prohibit policies that aren’t budgetary in nature. As the nonprofit Environmental Defense Fund put it in a memo to reporters, the regulations were issued to protect public health, and while they do result in costs and benefits for Americans and companies, they do not change the federal budget. “Even if Republican leadership tries to claim any budgetary impacts here, they would be clearly incidental to the main purpose of the proposed legislation,” the group said.
Of course, at least seven Senate Republicans have been vocal about their disapproval of the House’s treatment of the tax credits, so the whole thing may still be subject to change.
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“We will not cease exports of U.S. diesel,” the Secretary of Energy told us at Heatmap House.
Secretary of Energy Chris Wright threw cold water on a potential diesel export ban, telling Heatmap executive editor Robinson Meyer that the president “didn’t endorse it.”
“We are open to any ideas to lower energy prices for Americans,” Wright said at our Heatmap House event at New York Climate Week. “We have a continual, thoughtful dialog based on the facts on the ground of what are the most practical steps moving forward, and it looks like right now we do need to grow the diesel supply in the United States.”
There could be some adjustments to the diesel industry, Wright told Rob, saying there may “be some tweak in where diesel flows out of U.S. refineries.” About a full-scale ban, however, he was unequivocal. “We will not cease exports of U.S. diesel.”
That stands in contrast to President Trump’s remarks Tuesday, when he told reporters, “I’ve said, ‘Let’s not send out the diesel.’ I’ve called for it. I’ve called for it within my people.” Politico reported Wednesday afternoon that the administration is “preparing” a 90-day export ban.
When asked if a diesel export ban would hurt America’s reputation as an energy superpower, Wright told Heatmap, “It certainly would have impacts.” But, he added, “I don’t think there’s serious consideration, although there’s always been a dialogue. I don’t think you will see a blanket ban on diesel. And yes, of course, we want to be the energy superpower supplying the whole world.”
Some Republicans in Congress have called for a diesel export ban, including Iowa Senator Chuck Grassley, who represents agriculture-heavy Iowa. High diesel prices impose a particularly large cost on two groups: farmers and New Englanders. Farmers need diesel to fuel equipment to harvest crops and trucks to move their goods, while millions of New Englanders rely on heating oil — which is virtually interchangeable with diesel — to heat their homes in the winter. Bills for heating oil may exceed $2,000 this winter, according to Mark Wolfe, the executive director of the National Energy Assistance Directors Association
Diesel prices today are sitting at just over $6.50 per gallon, according to AAA, up from $3.69 a year ago and $5.60 just a month ago.
The former vice president joined us at Heatmap House at New York Climate Week to talk about electric vehicles, artificial intelligence, and why clean energy will ultimately win.
In front of a packed room at Heatmap House on Wednesday morning, former Vice President Al Gore made the case for optimism on climate change.
“There is a possibility we will look back on this year of 2026 as the positive tipping point on climate,” he said.
He started with some high water marks in renewable energy and electric vehicles. Last year was the first year that the production of energy from renewable sources exceeded the overall increase in global energy demand, for example. Whereas 20 years ago, when Gore’s landmark climate change film An Inconvenient Truth premiered, there were virtually no electric vehicles on the road, by the end of this year about 30% of all new cars sold globally will be EVs.
On top of that, he later added, “the war in Iran marks the second time in four years that the fossil fuel supply chain has been disrupted, and price volatility has returned, and people around the world have reacted to this and in a really dramatic way.” Just in the past six months, EV sales reached record levels in 50 countries; Korea’s president committed to speed its transition off fossil fuels; Thailand announced a shift from liquified natural gas to renewables; and solar is booming in Africa.
“These are signs that this thing is really moving into high gear,” he said. “The fossil fuel industry is losing, they know they’re losing, and they’re trying to slow down how quickly they lose.”
Gore was also surprisingly hopeful about artificial intelligence, arguing that data centers were a cause for concern but “not a justification for panic.” He’s not convinced that the carbon emissions from powering artificial intelligence will have a decisive impact on our climate trajectory, and is far more worried about “cognitive atrophy and the emergence of an intelligence that makes us no longer the apex intelligence on the planet.”
The conversation with Gore followed an interview with one of his climate champion descendents, so to speak. Mikie Sherrill, the governor of New Jersey, showed off her energy bona fides in a conversation about her approach to affordability and data centers. She talked up her administration’s swift approvals of solar and battery projects to ensure they made the deadline for federal tax credits, lifting the state’s moratorium on nuclear, and implementation of virtual power plants.
“There is a crisis going on, so you cannot simply say to people, ‘Sorry, your bills are just going to keep skyrocketing,’” she said. “That is not the answer, which is why we’ve acted so aggressively.”
Sherrill also criticized data center developers for the way they have frequently come into the state without engaging with communities. “I told a data center, I said, ‘You guys have been horrible at it. I’m just telling you, nobody knows what a data center is, and you need to explain why it's even important. Are you curing cancer? What are you doing? Why is this a societal benefit?’”
She encouraged future Democratic candidates for public office to make sure they have a deep understanding of the specific energy circumstances of their state, and to speak to that on the campaign trail. “The can has been kicked down the road on too many different issues, and if you were going to try to duck your head and say some mealy-mouthed thing like, ‘We’re going to do all of the above’ and ‘Everyone's welcome and we like business,’ that’s not going to cut it.”
On offshore wind lawsuits, transmission woes, and a nuclear IPO
Current conditions: A potential nor’easter is barreling toward New York City, potentially hitting the five boroughs just as world leaders gathered for the United Nations General Assembly get set to fly home • Hurricane Polo has rapidly strengthened into a Category 5 storm off Mexico’s Pacific coast, threatening flooding, winds, and storm surge • Yet another tropical storm is forming off the coast of Hawaii, risking mudslides and flooding.
The air is crisp here in Manhattan. UN representatives are grandstanding. And many of the biggest names in energy and climate are gathering alongside my colleagues at Heatmap House, our day-long summit for New York Climate Week. Some of the talks today include:
You can join the waitlist to come in person by registering here. And you can register to watch the livestream here.

In his opening address to the annual gathering of nearly all the world’s nations in New York, United Nations Secretary General António Guterres called for an end to what he desscribed as “the most profound intergenerational power imbalance of all.” Climate change, he said, has led to “one group profiting, while those least responsible suffer first and worst.” The former Portuguese prime minister from the Iberian country’s leading center-left party highlighted last month’s catastrophic flood in Nepal as an example of the unfair toll global warming is taking. “As tragic events have shown, impacts are arriving sooner, hitting harder, and spreading further than many anticipated. Now we face a near certain breach of the 1.5-degree limit, with a supersized El Niño speeding straight for humanity,” he said. “The dangers are real. But so is the hope.”
President Donald Trump struck a decidedly different tone in his remarks to the assembly. In a characteristically fiery speech defending the U.S. war with Iran, he vowed to “annihilate the Islamic Republic “ or “drive them into hell with no chance of survival” if Tehran doesn’t agree to a peace deal with Washington soon — and that doing so would bring down oil prices. “If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51-year menace of Iranian terror,” Trump said. “And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible.” As an example, he pointed to what he called the largest oil deal in history with Venezuela last month. “When you add the United States and Venezuela together, we have more than 60% of the oil in the world,” Trump said. “So it’s perhaps the biggest deal. It was a war, but it’s perhaps the biggest deal ever made. To the victor belong the spoils.” Among the other spoils the president sees: Tuesday’s signing of his updated deal with Greenland to permanently bar Russian, Chinese, and other adversaries from making large-scale investments or setting up military outposts on the Danish-controlled Arctic island.
Back in June, New York Attorney General Letitia James filed what my colleague Emily Pontecorvo clocked as the first major state lawsuit challenging any of the Trump administration’s series of deals to pay offshore wind developers to abandon their projects. The lawsuit zeroed in on TotalEnergies and the $1 billion the Department of the Interior offered for the French giant to walk away from two proposed projects. On Tuesday, Albany announced two more lawsuits seeking to block deals with the developers Bluepoint Wind and Invenergy that, combined, would equal “$1.4 billion in taxpayer dollars in exchange for canceling four critical offshore wind projects.” New York Governor Kathy Hochul, who joined the lawsuit, admonished “the Trump administration’s unlawful pay-to-not-play scheme to pressure companies to forgo planned offshore wind projects in America,” which she called “an outrageous abuse of taxpayer dollars that hurts our ability to meet our energy needs.”
That same day, California Attorney General Rob Bonta filed a lawsuit over the Interior Department’s deal with Invenergy to kill off what would have been one of the first major offshore wind projects on the West Coast. “At a time when we need more reliable, clean energy, President Trump is trying to send $111 million dollars to his fossil fuel industry friends and wants taxpayers and working families to cover the tab,” Bonta said in a press release. “This outrageous abuse of taxpayer dollars will damage the offshore wind industry and create unnecessary obstacles to clean and reliable energy powering our homes and economies.” Both states explicitly tied the timing of the lawsuits to New York Climate Week, the five-day series of events around Manhattan that are tied to the UN General Assembly and seen as the aperitif for November’s global climate talks in Turkey.
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A 190-mile transmission line stretching across Wisconsin is drawing blowback from Democrats and Republicans. The state’s congressional delegation is increasingly aligned. Representative Mark Pocan, a Democrat, said Midcontinent Grid Solutions’ outreach to residents on the power line “does not match the scale of the project’s impact on their land, their livelihoods, and their communities,” the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reported. Senator Tammy Baldwin, another Democrat, called for a “slowdown” of the development process. On the other side of the aisle, Republican Representative Derrick Van Orden has backed a full moratorium on the project.
Coincidentally, Trump has signaled he’s willing to ease the administration’s blockade on renewables in a bid to secure a federal permitting deal with Democrats, Politico reported Tuesday. Two unnamed sources told the outlet that Trump has agreed to direct the Department of Defense to start clearing its queue of long-delayed onshore wind projects. My colleague Jael Holzman reported last week that, despite a court ruling ordering the military to resume its reviews, the administration hasn’t yet.
It was a bullish time for nuclear, it was a bearish time for nuclear. Billions of dollars are flowing into projects and ideas for reactors are proliferating as has not been seen since the mid-20th century atomic power buildout in North America, Europe, and East Asia. But startups debuting on the stock market are falling far short of expectations. Fuel maker Standard Nuclear went public in July in what Bloomberg called “a downsized U.S. IPO,” while the Amazon-backed next-generation reactor company X-Energy has fallen nearly 40% below its IPO price. America’s nuclear champion, Westinghouse, is still eyeing a $50 billion valuation ahead of a potential IPO. But it remains unclear whether that deal will ultimately go through. The market uncertainty isn’t stopping one of Europe’s most advanced nuclear startups from going public in the U.S. On Tuesday, Newcleo listed on the Nasdaq after completing a $247 million deal with a special purpose acquisition company, or SPAC, essentially a cheat code for a swift IPO that involves merging with an already-traded black-check company and thus allowing the firm to avoid the months of due diligence with investment bankers that typically precedes a stock market debut. Newcleo CEO Stefano Buono called the deal “a new steppingstone that sets up” the company “for long-term success.”
For fusion no longer to be “the energy source of tomorrow that always will be,” as the old joke goes, the startups promising to bring about the so-called holy grail of clean power need to scale up supply chains. Inertia, the fusion startup that formed with much of the team of U.S. government scientists that pulled off the historic 2022 breakthrough that made fusion energy a possibility, is now laying the groundwork for commercialization. On Tuesday, the company, led by former Twilio CEO Jeff Lawson (yes, the same one that’ll be at Heatmap House), announced what it called “close collaborations” with three companies to begin manufacturing the lasers needed for Inertia’s fusion power plants at scale. “These are the first of many industrial collaborations we will coordinate to bring the scale of mass manufacturing to industrialize the laser fusion energy supply chain,” the company said.