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Tesla got to thump its chest this week. In a Wednesday earnings call with investors, CEO Elon Musk and company shared better-than-expected sales and financial numbers for the third quarter of 2024. That good news caused the electric vehicle-maker’s stock to rebound following what had been a disappointing sales year so far, with the slump compounded by a tepid reaction to the “We, Robot” event earlier in October, when Tesla debuted its autonomous Cybercab.
A few important factors underlie Tesla’s big rebound: Manufacturing costs fell, the refreshed Model 3 is doing well, and the Cybertruck has begun to sell in big enough numbers to help the company’s bottom line. Then there was this line from Musk’s presentation: “Preparations remain underway for our offering of new vehicles – including more affordable models – which we will begin launching in the first half of 2025.”
You might think that sentence suggests the long-rumored $25,000 Tesla is, at last, right around the corner. But when pressed by an investor whether the company would indeed build a "$25,000 non-robotaxi regular car model," Musk called the idea “pointless.” "It would be silly. It would be completely at odds with what we believe," he continued, saying that it’s “blindingly obvious” autonomy is the future.
It’s beginning to look like the idea of a little human-driven Tesla that costs as much as a Toyota Corolla will forever be a fantasy. One could argue, though, it has already done its job. The promise of the “Model 2,” perpetually dangled in front of the world as something just a few years away, enticed many people — including, crucially, investors — to believe Musk would extend his dominance of the EV market and truly conquer the car industry by offering an entry-level electric car for the masses. But if that ever was the plan, it isn’t anymore.
Tesla has always played fast and loose with deadlines and promises. It finally launched the Model 3 after years of promising the $35,000 Tesla, though obtaining the base version of the car at that price was a major challenge. In fact, most Model 3s that sold cost well into the $40,000s, if not more. The cheapest one you can order today starts at $43,000 before incentives.
The even smaller Tesla has been the topic of long-running rumors, buoyed by signals from the mothership. In 2022, Musk simply had “too much on his plate” to work on the car. In 2023, when Tesla finally began to sell a new vehicle, it was not a cheap compact but the Cybertruck. Musk then reportedly tabled the cheap Tesla indefinitely.
That didn’t stop the optimism. In the leadup to this week’s earnings call, one major analyst said it was the potential $25,000 EV, not the Cybercab or any of Tesla’s future-looking autonomous projects, that would drive the company’s success (and stock price) in the short term. After all, an EV with that MSRP could have a true cost under $20,000 after tax credits. At that point, it would undercut even entry-level gas cars in the U.S.
During the call, while scoffing at the idea of a small Tesla for carbon-based drivers, Musk pointed out that the Cybercab is technically a $25,000 car after tax breaks (though, this is the same man who, while throwing his weight behind the Trump campaign, has said that ending the EV tax credit would benefit Tesla). It’s just one that happens to have no steering wheel and no pedals. Teslaraticoncluded that the company’s promise of more affordable cars to come in the beginning of next year refers to lowering the prices of Tesla’s current offerings, not any plans to debut something new and different.
The EV market has changed a lot since the dawn of this decade, when Tesla rolled out the Model Y and cemented its grip on the industry. The rise of the super-cheap Chinese EV in particular spooked not only Western governments, but also American car companies that had dreams of competing for the lower end of the market. Combine that with Musk’s insistence that Tesla remain a lean, innovative firm rather than maturing into a boring EV-maker and you arrive at this point, with Musk going all in on trying to win the race for the true self-driving car instead of diversifying the kinds of vehicles it’s actually selling today.
History could prove him right. Still, that’s cold comfort for anyone who’d been hoping for a small, cheap EV they could drive themselves. It’s certainly possible to envision the Cybercab adapted for human drivers, but Musk is adamant that won’t happen. So an affordable, normal EV will have to come from elsewhere.
And it might. Despite gloomy headlines about a supposed slump, EV sales in America are steadily rising. At the less expensive end of the market, Chevy has begun selling the base-level version of the Equinox EV at the promised $35,000, which could fall under $30,000 with tax breaks. The Chevy Bolt should be even cheaper than that when it returns for the 2026 model year. Detroit has a whole lot to figure out in the coming years about how to build electric vehicles profitably, but, at the very least, the legacy carmakers might actually offer you an affordable EV — with a steering wheel.
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Did a battery plant disaster in California spark a PR crisis on the East Coast?
Battery fire fears are fomenting a storage backlash in New York City – and it risks turning into fresh PR hell for the industry.
Aggrieved neighbors, anti-BESS activists, and Republican politicians are galvanizing more opposition to battery storage in pockets of the five boroughs where development is actually happening, capturing rapt attention from other residents as well as members of the media. In Staten Island, a petition against a NineDot Energy battery project has received more than 1,300 signatures in a little over two months. Two weeks ago, advocates – backed by representatives of local politicians including Rep. Nicole Mallitokis – swarmed a public meeting on the project, getting a local community board to vote unanimously against the project.
According to Heatmap Pro’s proprietary modeling of local opinion around battery storage, there are likely twice as many strong opponents than strong supporters in the area:
Heatmap Pro
Yesterday, leaders in the Queens community of Hempstead enacted a year-long ban on BESS for at least a year after GOP Rep. Anthony D’Esposito, other local politicians, and a slew of aggrieved residents testified in favor of a moratorium. The day before, officials in the Long Island town of Southampton said at a public meeting they were ready to extend their battery storage ban until they enshrined a more restrictive development code – even as many energy companies testified against doing so, including NineDot and solar plus storage developer Key Capture Energy. Yonkers also recently extended its own battery moratorium.
This flurry of activity follows the Moss Landing battery plant fire in California, a rather exceptional event caused by tech that was extremely old and a battery chemistry that is no longer popular in the sector. But opponents of battery storage don’t care – they’re telling their friends to stop the community from becoming the next Moss Landing. The longer this goes on without a fulsome, strident response from the industry, the more communities may rally against them. Making matters even worse, as I explained in The Fight earlier this year, we’re seeing battery fire concerns impact solar projects too.
“This is a huge problem for solar. If [fires] start regularly happening, communities are going to say hey, you can’t put that there,” Derek Chase, CEO of battery fire smoke detection tech company OnSight Technologies, told me at Intersolar this week. “It’s going to be really detrimental.”
I’ve long worried New York City in particular may be a powder keg for the battery storage sector given its omnipresence as a popular media environment. If it happens in New York, the rest of the world learns about it.
I feel like the power of the New York media environment is not lost on Staten Island borough president Vito Fossella, a de facto leader of the anti-BESS movement in the boroughs. Last fall I interviewed Fossella, whose rhetorical strategy often leans on painting Staten Island as an overburdened community. (At least 13 battery storage projects have been in the works in Staten Island according to recent reporting. Fossella claims that is far more than any amount proposed elsewhere in the city.) He often points to battery blazes that happen elsewhere in the country, as well as fears about lithium-ion scooters that have caught fire. His goal is to enact very large setback distance requirements for battery storage, at a minimum.
“You can still put them throughout the city but you can’t put them next to people’s homes – what happens if one of these goes on fire next to a gas station,” he told me at the time, chalking the wider city government’s reluctance to capitulate on batteries to a “political problem.”
Well, I’m going to hold my breath for the real political problem in waiting – the inevitable backlash that happens when Mallitokis, D’Esposito, and others take this fight to Congress and the national stage. I bet that’s probably why American Clean Power just sent me a notice for a press briefing on battery safety next week …
And more of the week’s top conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Queen Anne’s County, Maryland – They really don’t want you to sign a solar lease out in the rural parts of this otherwise very pro-renewables state.
2. Logan County, Ohio – Staff for the Ohio Power Siting Board have recommended it reject Open Road Renewables’ Grange Solar agrivoltaics project.
3. Bandera County, Texas – On a slightly brighter note for solar, it appears that Pine Gate Renewables’ Rio Lago solar project might just be safe from county restrictions.
Here’s what else we’re watching…
In Illinois, Armoracia Solar is struggling to get necessary permits from Madison County.
In Kentucky, the mayor of Lexington is getting into a public spat with East Kentucky Power Cooperative over solar.
In Michigan, Livingston County is now backing the legal challenge to Michigan’s state permitting primacy law.
On the week’s top news around renewable energy policy.
1. IRA funding freeze update – Money is starting to get out the door, finally: the EPA unfroze most of its climate grant funding it had paused after Trump entered office.
2. Scalpel vs. sledgehammer – House Speaker Mike Johnson signaled Republicans in Congress may take a broader approach to repealing the Inflation Reduction Act than previously expected in tax talks.
3. Endangerment in danger – The EPA is reportedly urging the White House to back reversing its 2009 “endangerment” finding on air pollutants and climate change, a linchpin in the agency’s overall CO2 and climate regulatory scheme.