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Electricity Price Hub data helps explain why prices are — and aren’t — increasing in various parts of the PJM Interconnection territory.

Some parts of the country — California, New England — have high electricity prices but not many large-scale artificial intelligence data centers. Some places — Texas — have artificial intelligence data centers and relatively low prices.
The area spanned by PJM Interconnection — the country’s largest electricity market, which covers some or all of 13 states and 67 million people from Richmond to Chicago — has both.
Virginia’s “data center alley,” around Ashburn in Loudon County, is perhaps the hottest AI hotspot in the country. Ohio, Indiana, and Pennsylvania are also attracting substantial interest from hyperscalers.
Meanwhile, electricity prices in the PJM territory have turned into a political crisis that transcends party ideology. New Jersey’s new governor, Democrat Mikie Sherrill, centered her campaign around a pledge to freeze prices. Pennsylvania’s governor, Democrat Josh Shapiro, reached an agreement with electricity producers at the beginning of last year to cap capacity prices — payments made to generators to be available during times of grid stress — at a level the system’s capacity auctions now regularly hit. And Indiana’s governor, Republican Mike Braun, has been on the warpath against high utility bills, declaring in September of last year, “Hoosiers have been burdened with utility rate increase after increase. We can’t take it anymore.”
A review of electricity price increases from 2019 to 2024 and from 2024 to 2025 released by Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory just this week found that “increases in capacity prices in the PJM region in 2025 were a significant contributor to the rise in year-over-year retail prices in many mid-Atlantic states.” The researchers found that “many PJM states saw large price increases in 2025 vs. 2024,” calling out Washington, D.C., New Jersey , and Maryland specifically. Overall in PJM, the LBNL review found that capacity costs drove up the wholesale price of electricity in PJM by $0.09 per kilowatt-hour from 2024 to 2025, and projects another $0.06 hike in 2026.
On the surface, the coinciding phenomena of increased data center activity and rising electricity prices seem like a clear case of cause and effect. A closer look at utility price and rate data from Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub, however, reveals a more nuanced story.
First, the big picture: In the past year, the 12-month rolling average of electricity prices have grown 10% in PJM, compared to 4.5% nationally, while average bills in PJM have risen by $14.83 compared to $5.47 nationally. In the past five years, prices have gone up 48.9% in PJM versus 33.2% nationally, while bills in PJM have risen by $49.50 compared to $35.21 nationally.
Across the PJM territory, some 63% of utilities in the Heatmap-MIT dataset have seen prices grow faster than the national average over the past year, and 72% have seen their prices grow faster than average in the past five years.
But there are stark distinctions at the regional and state levels. To get a better sense of these differences, we looked at the components of electricity bills and price growth in different parts of the PJM territory, including the utility territories with the fastest growing prices and the ones with the most data center growth.
Many of the fastest-growing utility bills in PJM are on the East Coast, particularly in the Mid-Atlantic, where prices for Pepco in Maryland and Washington, D.C. have gone up by 21.4% and 25.2%, respectively, in just the past year. In the case of D.C., the largest source of that price growth was electricity generation, the cost of which rose 32.5% in the past 12 months.
The D.C. Public Service Commission approved a rate hike last May citing a recent PJM capacity auction and tacking on a “Capacity Price Adder” to account for high prices. (For more on “adders,” “riders,” and other more obscure bill charges, see the explainer from my colleague Jeva Lange.) The average bill hike in the May 2025 order was almost $21, or 17.7%, the order said.
“Generation rates have risen substantially, primarily due to capacity price increases,” the commission wrote, which it attributed to a litany of factors. These included growing demand from data centers, but also the “retirement of generating facilities across the regional electric wholesale market” and “increasing mandates from the District’s Renewable Energy Portfolio Standard.”
This helps explain why the cluster of states around D.C. have seen outsize generation price hikes: They tend to rely on gas from others states, and have also decided, as a matter of public policy, to institute substantial additional charges to meet public policy goals such as boosting the share of renewable energy in the state’s generation mix, which often means buying certificates for electricity produced out of state.
Next door to D.C., Maryland utilities have also had to deal with high capacity prices — some $14 of bill increases for Pepco, according to the Maryland Office of People’s Counsel, can be traced back to higher capacity payments. Maryland ratepayers specifically must also pay for “reliability must run” service: four coal-and-oil-fired units that operate outside PJM’s wholesale system and are instead funded directly through customer rates in a particular geographic area.
Maryland’s Office of the People’s Counsel argued in a brief explaining why rates were rising that not only did “RMR” payments lead to higher bills directly, they also helped push capacity market costs in Maryland up against the statutory cap. Because the capacity from those generators isn’t included in the wholesale market (they’re compensated directly), supply is artificially limited and thus “likely had spillover effects into the RTO as a whole, increasing the RTO-wide clearing price and impacting customers throughout the region.”
But what about utilities in PJM where rate hikes were more restrained?
In Virginia, the epicenter of data center growth in PJM, customers of the Dominion Energy utility Virginia Electric and Power Co. saw their prices grow 11.6% over the last year, with the generation portion of the bill growing 16.8% in the past 12 months. That’s higher growth than average for PJM, but lower than New Jersey and Maryland, which do not serve the same concentration of AI facilities.
For another Virginia utility, Appalachian Power, prices actually dropped slightly in the past 12 months, by 1.6%, with the generation portion falling 5.2%. Appalachian Power announced a rate cut averaging $10 per household last fall, which it said came out of the “fuel factor,” or the raw material costs that are passed on to customers.
Despite its crush of data center development, Virginia still has electricity rates below the national average, and much lower than some other PJM states. Natural gas and nuclear dominate the state’s generation mix, according to data from the Energy Information Administration, and that nuclear power especially is cheap on a kilowatt-for-kilowatt basis.
Virginia also has fewer worries about grid congestion because much more of its generation is local, whereas in other places (namely Maryland), that’s been a major cost driver. Virginia’s $15.27 per kilowatt-hour average electricity price is about in line with the “South Atlantic” average according to the Energy Information Administration, but still lower than Delaware, D.C., Maryland, or New Jersey.
To the extent that Dominion has raised prices, it has attributed the increases to inflation, not to increased demand. In Richmond specifically, it chalked up higher prices to bouts of cold weather.
That said, Dominion’s base rate — the core cost of service in a regulated, vertically integrated utility system like Virginia’s — is rising for the first time since 1992. Going forward, Dominion ratepayers will see another rate hike of around $11 per month this year, and around $2.35 in 2027.
Dominion had also asked to recategorize its capacity purchases from the base rate to the fuel charge, which it said would “promote rate stability.” A typical average customer would face a fuel factor expense hike of $10.92 per month for typical electricity use, Dominion said in a filing, which would include $1.98 of capacity expenses. But the SCC ended up rejecting that request, arguing that it was not “reasonable at this time not to shift cost recovery of purchased capacity expenses from base rates to the fuel factor,” which could mean that rates do not adjust smoothly with the changes in capacity payments.
Virginia’s success in avoiding higher costs may be a matter of timing as much as anything else. Virginia fits awkwardly into the PJM system, with the state still dominated by vertically integrated utilities such as Dominion, as opposed to the restructured electricity markets in much of the rest of the system.
Pro-utility groups and Dominion itself have pointed to Virginia as an example of how the regulated electricity model can protect consumers compared to the restructured one. But whether ratepayers will be convinced remains to be seen. Complaints about eye-popping bills are a mainstay of local — and social — media in the state, especially after base rate hikes kicked in.
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It’s 2022 all over again. A war has broken out involving (at least) one large oil-producing country, raising both prices and oil company profits.
Chevron reported Friday a quarterly profit of $12.1 billion, its highest quarterly profit ever. ExxonMobil also announced a blowout quarter on Friday. Its $14.5 billion profit was its highest since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 (when it posted an almost $20 billion profit in the third quarter). These announcements followed Shell’s Thursday earnings report, which revealed a profit of almost $10 billion, close to double its previous quarter earnings and in range of its 2022-vintage quarters.
What does this mean for decarbonization?
1. It’s refining, stupid.
The story across the oil majors was largely one of getting more profit out of its existing assets, particularly in their refining business.
Shell, for example, said that they were running their refineries at over 100% capacity and that it had shifted production to jet fuel, which had been in especially short supply following the American and Israeli attack on Iran and subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz.
The company said it had “significantly higher” trading profits, likely from the volatility of commodity prices due to the start and stop nature of the war. Exxon said that it had “a second-quarter record for diesel production,” and that its chemicals business saw its margins jump by around 180% as its North American facilities were able to count on a steady stream of hydrocarbon feedstocks, unlike rivals in Asia.
“The unprecedented reduction in refining capacity – with nearly 9% of global capacity offline across Russia, China, and the Middle East – limited the supply of gasoline, diesel, and other products,” Exxon said. “As a result, refining margins reached record levels in the quarter.”
Meanwhile Chevron said it was refining over one million barrels of oil per day with “more than 97 percent” utilization.
While this constrained global refining capacity is largely due to military conflict in the Middle East and Russia, refinery capacity has been basically flat in many developed economy markets for decades. In the United States, the newest large refinery was built in 1977, an indication that while the U.S. transportation and energy system is still dominated by fossil fuels, there isn’t much appetite for the billions of capital investment needed to expand capacity for refining gasoline. So, while profits can surge in the short term, it doesn’t necessarily mean blue skies for oil companies.
2. Oil demand is actually falling — for now
Chevron noted that sales of refined products had actually fallen by 4% in the United States and 13% internationally. While in the short run this is likely due to higher prices, it is consistent with falling forecasts for oil demand.
While the International Energy Agency’s “current policies scenario,” which forecasts demand based on a snapshot of existing policies, sees a slow and steady rise through 2050, its “stated policies scenario” based on the trajectory of policy and commitments around energy and climate, sees oil demand peaking at levels slightly about the status quo by around 2030. In the medium run, the IEA said that “Forecast growth of [two million barrels per day] in 2027 results in a two-year pace of expansion well below historical trends.”
BP even announced layoffs of hundreds of employees, according to an internal message seen by Reuters.
This can help explain why, despite the strong profits, investors do not seem particularly jazzed about the oil giants — ExxonMobil and Chevron shares are only up slightly since the beginning of the war in Iran.
3. The high profits are already stoking public outrage
Everyone knew oil prices had risen since the war in Iran began — they could see it at the pump. But the confirmation that the war has spurred record or near-record profits has been fresh meat for environmental groups that want a faster energy transition.
“The mugging at Mar-a-Lago just keeps getting worse. The president said he would sell out Americans to oil and gas CEOs for a billion dollars in campaign donations. Now we know he owns millions of dollars worth of their stock. Those same companies are profiting from Trump’s war of choice, which has killed and injured U.S. service members, and left consumers struggling to stay afloat,” former Washington Governor Jay Inslee said in a statement blasted out by the communications group Climate Power.
The profits also spurred advocates to redouble calls for windfall profit taxes. “It’s fair to put a windfall profits tax on inordinate windfall profits rather than cut off children’s food programs,” Rhode Island Senator Sheldon Whitehouse told the Associated Press. Whitehouse introduced a bill in March that would impose taxes on oil companies in the event of price surges.
And even President Trump, whose presidential campaign was buoyed by donations from the oil and gas industry, called for an investigation into retail gasoline prices last month.
Since 2022, fossil fuels have moved back to the center of the world economy as concerns about shortages, price spikes, and availability have helped push concerns about climate change to the margins of policymaking. However, when oil companies are making more money than ever, it means an uptick in public concern or scrutiny. In the long run, oil companies have to worry about decarbonization; in the short run, they’ll have to worry about their customers.
What’s the deal with all those “America Connects” videos?
The data center lobby is launching a big PR blitz on television and social media, racking up millions of views on evidently AI-generated content boasting economic impacts from new projects and hitting against criticism around energy and water use.
In an interview with me Wednesday, Data Center Coalition CEO Josh Levi explained how and why his organization – the largest and most prominent data center trade group – stood up an “evolving” national advertising campaign called America Connects.
Like me, up until now, you might’ve interacted with the campaign’s materials without knowing it. For weeks I’ve been getting texts from people in my life who know I write about data centers asking if I’d seen these ads on TV streaming platforms and social media sites boasting benefits from data centers, or pushing back on complaints about energy and water use. Most of the videos were quite similar, appeared to be generated using AI (with no AI labeling), and were racking up millions in views and impressions.
“Our paychecks, our hospitals, our national security – all run through data centers,” states one voiceover in a YouTube ad targeted at the Longhorn State with more than 12 million views as of today.
“In Texas, they’re doing more than keeping us connected. Data centers support high-paying jobs and pay billions in taxes. Money that can lower your bills, make schools and roads better and communities safer. And new technology means data centers consume minimal water while funding new power generation for everyone. Data centers: built in Texas. For Texas.”
These videos each are hosted on channels named for specific campaigns in individual states. In Georgia, it’s called Connected Georgia. There’s a Texas Connects, an Indiana Connects, and a Pennsylvania Connects. At least eight state campaigns are happening right now and I’m told more should be expected in the near future. Each state campaign has a near-identical website with links to their promoted videos, statistics about state-level tax contributions, and employment from data centers, and a somewhat modern-looking red, white, and blue design with moving graphics on the landing page.
But finding out who was behind these videos and websites took a lot of digging. None of the state campaign websites have contact information and they were all registered by a proxy firm that gets web addresses for entities that want to remain anonymous. Most of the advertising itself was opaque; it’s not easy to research TV commercial spends and Google doesn’t disclose how much a company or person pays to promote individual ads. But there were signs of significant spending, as Meta’s Facebook and Instagram advertising disclosures revealed to me there was five-figure spending on static images, resulting in millions of potential impressions.
Eventually I was able to figure out what was going on. Each of the state campaigns also described themselves online as nonprofits but in fact, there is one nonprofit. It initially formed for the first state campaign, Virginia Connects. Its public 2024 tax disclosures show the campaign was formed by Levi and others working with the Data Center Coalition. On the DCC’s website, the trade group does have a landing page for what it calls “America Connects” and directs people to each state campaign but, as of today, the organization describes them as “regional coalitions” they “partner” with on “helping educate and engage citizens, policymakers, and other stakeholders on the data center industry, its benefits, and key issues including energy, water, economic development, and community engagement.”
In our interview, Levi explained these state campaigns aren’t just partners – they’re creations of a single nonprofit he said was “stood up” by the trade group named America Connects, and it began in 2024 through the Virginia Connects campaign. America Connects is now “a vehicle by which the broader community can engage and participate” in what Levi described as “broader industry messaging” that isn’t “just project by project.” It’s a direct response, Levi said, to the lack of any industrywide PR offensive challenging the mountain of public opposition to data centers shown in poll after poll. (With the exception of that one Meta ad campaign.)
“What we have heard very clearly is that a lot of the partners we work with, but also a lot of the voices from the public at large, is that the industry broadly needs to do a better job communicating. A better job talking about what we do, how we do it, and about the positive benefits of what localities can expect from data center development,” Levi said.
Levi told me the core of the group is at least three people: himself; Allison Gilmore, the chief operating officer of the DCC; and Kevin Hughes, the group’s treasurer and the chief external affairs officer at the data center developer STACK Infrastructure. He said I should expect “an expansion on the board” but declined to say who or what companies. Part of the team also includes LINK Public Affairs, a communications firm based in Virginia that helped on the initial campaign in the state.
I asked how an industry-backed campaign like this would help with the backlash. “Silence breeds mistrust, fundamentally. It is critically important as we see continuing conversations around the data center industry – what it does, what it doesn’t do, how it does – is part of informing those conversations,” Levi replied. “It is important the industry not be silent and be an active contributor in terms of the public dialogue around data centers. This is that.”
The DCC wouldn’t tell me how much is being spent on the America Connects campaign and it’s impossible to know from what’s publicly available.
Here’s what Levi would say about the money: that America Connects is funded by the data center “ecosystem generally,” including developers, companies within the supply chain, and “workforce voices.” But Levi wouldn’t even confirm if they were spending more than they had in just the Virginia campaign, which sort of logically has to be the case if they’ve expanded this effort.
“White it’s maybe not a satisfying answer, we will spend what we have to when it comes to ensuring we reach people where they are. But I’m not able to provide any kind of concrete number for you.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Richland Township, Louisiana - The Meta Hyperion project is suddenly now a central focus of activists and media coverage, just as it is seeking environmental permits for a key gas pipeline.
2. Memphis, Tennessee – Hyperion won’t be the first data centers that House Democrats go after if they retake the lower chamber in Congress though – that looks like it’ll be xAI’s Colossus projects. Congrats, Elon!
3. Clark and Nye Counties, Nevada – The federal government’s decision to use an environmental review for a solar farm on a data center instead, which I scooped earlier this week, quickly became a national story. Now the fight against the move is coming into focus.
4. Suffolk County, New York – Last but not least, we have to talk about the battery fire mess on Long Island because it’s a disaster in the making.
5. Montgomery County, Maryland – Bonus for you: my home county just instituted an 18-month moratorium on new data centers. I don’t really have much to add except, if the backlash has come to my neighborhood it’ll probably hit yours sooner rather than later.