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Residents of Hawaii may see their bill grow by as much as 30%.

While the gasoline that powers Americans’ cars has seen dramatic price hikes following the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz, the price of the natural gas that provides the bulk of the electricity that powers Americans’ homes, office buildings, factories (and, indirectly, some cars) has actually been roughly flat since the war began, meaning that a huge portion of American energy consumption remains unaffected by the global energy crisis.
Except in Hawaii.
The state has a series of (literally) islanded electrical grids that rely heavily on burning oil to generate electricity, unlike the other 49 states whose grid-connected power plants are largely natural gas, coal, or nuclear. This puts Hawaii ratepayers at the mercy of the global oil market — and it will be exacting a higher price.
“Hawaiian Electric customers should prepare for potential increases in energy costs in the coming months, driven by rising global oil prices linked to escalating geopolitical tensions, including the ongoing conflict involving Iran,” the utility Hawaiian Electric said in a statement last week.
The utility, which serves the vast majority of Hawaii’s residents, said that typical residential bills “may rise between 20% and 30% over the next several months,” with customers on Oahu seeing hikes in April and the rest of the state seeing hikes in May and June.
On Oahu, the utility owns two oil-fired plants with around 1,000 megawatts of capacity, alongside diesel and biodiesel plants. It also buys power from other oil, biomass, and biofuel plants.
About two-thirds of Hawaii’s electricity comes from oil, with the balance coming from renewables, according to the Energy Information Administration. The state — uniquely among the 50 — has no natural gas-fired power or nuclear power, and its last coal-fired power plant shut down in 2022. It has accordingly high electricity prices, with the highest average price of any state, according to the EIA, but also the lowest per-capita electricity demand. (Hawaii isn’t exactly a center of electricity-intensive industrial production.)
The average electricity bill in Hawaii in March was around $195 a month, according to Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub, compared to $158 in California, $189 in Texas, and $144 in New York. The average price of electricity of $0.42 per kilowatt-hour is well above California’s $0.36, New York’s $0.24, or Texas’s $0.21.
Hawaii’s crude oil largely comes from Libya, Argentina, Nigeria, and Brazil, according to the Energy Information Administration, before being processed at the state’s sole refinery on Oahu.
With the United States and Israeli war with Iran now well into its second month, that oil is getting more expensive. Benchmark oil prices have jumped from $67 to $115 per barrel since the war began on February 28. Gasoline prices in Hawaii average $5.60 per gallon, according to Triple AAA, compared to $4.48 a month ago.
The state’s dependence on oil for both electricity and transportation has driven residents to use its electricity efficiently, and lawmakers to attempt to transition to locally produced, non-fossil sources of energy. The state has a net-negative carbon target for 2045, and two of its islands, Kauai and Hawaii, already get at least half of their electricity generation from renewable sources, including solar, geothermal, and hydropower. However Oahu, the state’s most populous island, gets only around 30% of its electricity from renewables.
The electricity price spike could also imperil Hawaiian Electric’s ability to get out from under its substantial liabilities related to the 2023 Maui wildfires. The utility was named as a party to a $4 billion settlement for wildfire damages that has been inching towards completion since the state Supreme Court ruled in February that insurers couldn’t “go directly after Hawaiian Electric Industries, the parent company of Hawaiian Electric Co., and other parties at fault for the fire who agreed to fund the settlement,” Honolulu Civil Beat reported.
The settlement “is closer to resolution than ever,” Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith wrote in a note to clients Tuesday. The investment bank has maintained a negative rating on the stock, he wrote, in part because “the affordability backdrop is deteriorating at the worst possible time.”
Hawaiian Electric “remains one of the most oil-exposed electric utilities in the United States, and the recent Iran-related oil spike could begin pressuring customer bills in late spring, subject to procurement timing and fuel inventory drawdown,” he wrote. The price hike could affect the utility’s ability to “rebase” — i.e. increase — its rates, as it has proposed to state regulators.
The utility has argued that it needs to increase prices to deal with inflation, including the price of electrical transformers, which have more than doubled since 2020. The proposed rate hike would raise bills by between $8 and $12 next year. The utility has said that “fortifying the reliability and resilience of the electric grid and power generation assets requires investments that keep pace with the costs of maintaining and improving the systems serving five islands,” pointing to $183 million it plans to spend on grid improvements in Honolulu by the end of the decade, which outstrips the revenue request of $170 million. It has also said it needs higher revenue to deal with higher insurance premiums following the Maui fires.
Hawaii’s wholesale dependence on oil for electricity generation is almost completely anomalous in the 50 states. About 90% of its total energy usage comes from petroleum, according to the EIA, compared to about 38% for the country as a whole.
While much of the United States electricity system is at least somewhat insulated from shockwaves emanating throughout the global economy, there are two notable exceptions in the country’s far west and far east.
The only other region where oil plays a key role in the electric grid is Hawaii’s geographic opposite: New England.
New England has several dual-fuel power plants that can use oil when demand for natural gas for heat spikes in the winter. And like Hawaii, New England is hooked into global energy markets, though in the latter case that has more to do with liquified natural gas, which the region is forced to import due to its sparse natural gas pipeline network.
But if the war with Iran ends up spiking electricity prices in New England this winter, the world will have far larger problems than Bostonians’ electric bills.
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Even the hardiest are shivering at the price of heating oil.
As leaves begin to turn from green to autumn hues of amber, gold, and brown, New England is preparing for an expensive winter.
While most of the country heats their homes with natural gas or electricity, about 5 million households — overwhelmingly located in the Northeast — use oil. Like diesel and gasoline (both of which have set price records recently) home heating oil is distilled from crude oil, which is currently trading at prices not seen since the early months of the war between the United States, Israel, and Iran.
Benchmark oil prices are over $100 for the first time since the spring as the Iran War grinds forward with no end in sight. Houthi attacks on Saudi oil tankers and infrastructure in and around the Red Sea and continued Ukrainian drone strikes on Russian refineries have put added pressure on U.S. facilities to supply the world with gasoline, jet fuel, and diesel, raising prices domestically. Russia’s own fuel imports reached a record 172,000 metric tons in August, according to an analysis from the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, mostly from South Korea and India, putting further strain on the global market (the country was once the largest exporter of refined products).
The effects have trickled downstream to the distillate market, as well. Diesel prices surged past $6 per gallon on Friday, while retail home heating oil prices in Maine, one of the Northeastern states most dependent on oil to heat homes, are around $5.39, their highest since April. Making matters worse, stocks of distillate fuel oil, which includes heating oil, are at their lowest level for this time of year since the Energy Information Administration started keeping records. The EIA released a new forecast this week projecting that “global production of distillate fuel will remain below last year’s levels in the coming months, contributing to low U.S. diesel inventories and high diesel prices.”
For Mainers and others across New England, that adds up to a hard winter to come.
“As the most heating oil reliant state in the country, Mainers are uniquely impacted by rising and volatile oil prices,” Acting Commissioner of the Maine Department of Energy Resources Celina Cunningham told me in an emailed statement. About half of the state’s residents “still rely on oil as their primary heating fuel,” she told me, even as outgoing Governor Janet Mills has encouraged heat pump adoption. “The cost of heating oil is already more than 60% higher than it was at this time last year,” Cunningham added, “putting added pressure on Maine households as we head into the winter heating season.”
Mark Wolfe, executive director of the National Energy Assistance Directors Association, told me that the total cost of heating a home exclusively on oil will jump from $1,740 to $2,297 this winter. “Families using heating oil will get hit twice — first from gasoline, and then heating oil,” he said.
The price of home heating oil has long been a hot button issue in New England politics, and this year’s slate of Congressional races is no exception. Matt Dunlap, the state auditor and Democratic nominee in Maine’s Trump-voting 2nd Congressional District, told reporters earlier this week while standing in front of a heating oil delivery truck that “right now, families across this district are sitting at their kitchen tables signing their heating oil contracts for the winter and staring at numbers they simply cannot afford.” In keeping with Trump’s recent admonition to pretend he’s on the ballot, Dunlap used the occasion to criticize the president’s foreign policy. The Iran War, Dunlap said, “is not an abstract foreign policy debate. That’s the reason your heating bill this winter could be hundreds of dollars higher than it was last year.”
Susan Collins, the Republican senator running for re-election in Maine, regularly highlights her role in bringing in funding from the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program for Mainers, even as staff in charge of administering the program were laid off early in the Trump administration.
To the extent New Englanders can expect any relief, it likely won’t come from the supply dynamics of heating oil — the EIA has upped its price forecast for both this year and 2027. They may, however, simply need less. Thanks to what could be an historically strong El Niño, New England may be in for a warmer (albeit wetter) winter than usual.
Talking about the data center backlash, the midterm elections, and the future of renewables with Columbia Law School’s Romany Webb.
This week’s conversation is a quick catch-up with our friends at Columbia Law School’s Sabin Center for Climate Change Law. I hopped on the phone with the center’s deputy director Romany Webb to chat about recent updates they published to anti-renewables opposition analysis. I wanted to dig into their research beyond the toplines — what should people care about in the coming election? How have data centers come up in their research? Or the repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act?
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Let’s start with the updates. Walk me through what’s new in your research.
So, we published two-year reports that detail renewable energy opposition across the United States; one is our report we’ve published since 2021 and it’s a new edition, and the other is an update of a report we published a few years ago on false claims about renewable energy where we highlight the misinformed used against projects.
This year’s local opposition report found local opposition continues to be widespread and really endemic. There’s been opposition to renewable energy development in every state across the country and we’re seeing it still have a real impact on whether projects get built. But there are small glimmers of hope. We identified 70 new state and local restrictions, which was a decline from previous years — that’s notable.
In select states where there have been a lot of these local restrictions, we’ve seen a drop off, like in Michigan after they enacted their state siting law. These are encouraging signs, and obviously it’s still early days, but it shows some of these state reforms are having a positive impact.
How is data center opposition coming up in your research?
Our reports do not track opposition to data center development. But we do certainly hear anecdotally that debates over data center development are spilling over into debates over renewable energy and battery storage. Often, local communities express concern that these new projects are just being built to power data centers — in some cases when there’s no connection at all, really. But I don’t have data on that link.
You said the law Michigan enacted might be working. Do you know if these laws limiting local opposition actually help with fighting renewable energy opponents, or are they engendering their own backlashes that undermine their effectiveness?
I think it’s too early to say the impacts they’ll have over the medium to long term. In the near term, many of the laws have been successful in accelerating the permitting of renewable energy projects or making it easier for them to be approved. Recent data out of New York shows that many of the projects that have gone through the new siting process are being approved — they’re still fairly long but they’re consistent which is good for development. In other places we’ve seen efforts to limit local government’s ability to adopt restrictions on renewable energy development, like Illinois and Michigan.
Those laws are relatively new, but the data we have shows that drop-off. It suggests the intended effect. But we need more time to know how effective they are and some of those laws have been getting quite a bit of pushback. There’s been a myriad of bills enacted in state legislatures across the country that would roll back those recent reforms or impose new restrictions on renewable development.
How much does the coming midterm election matter for the future of opposition to renewable energy?
I do think the next election will have important implications on whether we continue to see the ever-growing number of state level restrictions adopted or if we see a shift there.
Even if we see a shift in the composition of legislatures, I do think we’ll continue to see community opposition in many places to these projects. We shouldn’t ignore that developing a solar or wind project does have impacts on the local community and so developers really need to take steps to mitigate and manage those impacts.
If they don’t they’ll face the opposition, and even if they are they may face it because of misinformation around these projects.
My last question is, to what extent did the repeal of the IRA impact the ability for local opposition to kill projects in the crib?
I can’t say that definitively. I certainly don’t have the data that would support that sort of claim. And we don’t track that, specifically.
But often, groups that are opposed to renewable energy development will express concerns about the costs of projects or emphasize projects may not be viable without government subsidies. So the rollback of tax credits under the IRA plays into that argument. Of course when you look at the data, renewable energy projects are cheaper and the argument doesn’t hold muster.
But it’s an argument we regularly see pushed by opposition groups. That is how we have seen the IRA repeal affect this.
A developer sues an Arkansas paper, plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.
1. Pulaski County, Arkansas – A major utility sued the biggest newspaper in Arkansas over reporting on a data center energy deal. It’s a crucial case to follow.
2. Lackawanna County, Pennsylvania – Speaking of hardcore legal strategies, have you ever heard of a data center developer asking every local official to recuse themselves?
3. Loudon County, Virginia – Data Center Alley is giving us our first real glimpse of what data center legislating could look like if Democrats control at least one chamber of Congress.
4. Lane County, Oregon – The second largest city in Oregon is now turning down data centers, just as the governor starts saying no to anything on state land.