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On Japan’s LNG, NuScale finger pointing, and green ammonia

Current conditions: Repeated rounds of storms will dump up to 4 inches of rain from Texas to the Great Lakes • Jerusalem, where Passover just began for Jews, is wrapping up a rain storm, with sunny skies and roughly 65-degree Fahrenheit weather predicted throughout the duration of the eight-day holiday • A Saharan dust storm is turning the sky over parts of Greece an eerie orange and red.
At 6:35 p.m. ET last night, I watched my daughter reach her hand up at the image on our television of one of the most powerful rockets the United States has ever launched, carrying America’s first lunar crew in half a century. Looking at her stare up in wonder, I prayed that the greatest achievements of our civilization lie ahead of us, forged not of zero-sum contests between adversaries but peaceful competition among rivals. Parenthood makes it difficult not to think in such dramatic terms. But there’s the fact, too, that this successful launch puts us one step closer to something extraordinary: A nuclear power plant on the moon. As I told you back in January, the Department of Energy set a goal of installing a nuclear reactor on the moon in the next four years. The mission will slingshot the crew of four astronauts — commander Reid Wiseman, pilot Victor Glover, mission specialist Christina Koch, and Canadian Space Agency astronaut Jeremy Hansen — around the moon and back to Earth. The subsequent two U.S. launches — Artemis IV and V, which are scheduled for 2028 — will bring crews to the lunar surface. “This time, the goal is not flags and footprints,” NASA Administrator Jared Isaacman said last week, according to E&E News. “This time, the goal is to stay.” NASA aims to have a nuclear reactor ready to make the journey to the moon by the end of the decade.
One of the country’s leading next-generation nuclear developers is also stepping up its ambition. Executives from TerraPower, the Bill Gates-backed sodium reactor startup, held talks with the utility Evergy about a potential power plant in Kansas this week. “We’re not ready to announce any sites. Multiple communities in Kansas have kind of raised their hand and said they’re willing to host a Natrium power plant,” TerraPower CEO Chris Levesque told Fox4 Kansas City.
Japan is turning its nuclear reactors back on, looking at building wind turbines, and relaxing rules on coal-fired stations to bolster its electricity supply as the Iran War halts the flow of liquified natural gas through the Strait of Hormuz. But the country invested a lot in LNG infrastructure as the fuel replaced atomic energy following the shutdowns triggered by the 2011 Fukushima disaster. So it’s also looking for new supplies. The Japan Organization for Metals and Energy Security, a government-owned investor, launched a new initiative Wednesday to offer a return on LNG investments. The industry is already abuzz. In just the past week, at least two Japanese companies have made big LNG investments.
On Wednesday night, three hours after the rocket launch, President Donald Trump gave a televised speech highlighting what he described as U.S. achievements in the Iran War and setting the stage for the conflict to wind down. But he offered no specific timelines, and oil prices rose steadily throughout the speech.

U.S. coal exports fell in 2025 for the first time in four years as overseas sales of thermal coal dropped by 18% and metallurgical coal by 11%. If you thought this could be a sign of Trump’s coal revival taking hold, think again. The plunge, according to the Energy Information Administration’s latest report, “largely reflects a 92% decrease in exports to China in 2025 compared with 2024, after China imposed a 15% additional tariff on imports of U.S. coal in February of last year and 34% reciprocal tariff on imports from the United States in April.”

U.S. production of crude, on the other hand, surged by 3%, or 350,000 barrels per day, in 2025. That set a new annual record of 13.6 million barrels per day, the EIA found in a separate analysis. If that’s “drill, baby, drill” in action, then the catchphrase deserves an asterisk indicating that the drilling is taking place in the same locations as before. The number of active rigs per month in the lower 48 states was 5% less than in 2024, and 1% fewer wells were drilled. But efficiency improvements at existing wells resulted in an increase of crude.
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In November 2023, the nation’s leading effort to deploy new small modular reactors, developer NuScale’s project supplying electricity to the Utah Associated Municipal Power Systems, collapsed as inflation sent costs soaring. Oregon-based NuScale, as I have reported for Heatmap, has struggled to make major progress since. Now a report released this week by the Energy Department’s inspector general has determined that the Office of Nuclear Energy “did not effectively manage the project.” In total, the project wasted about $183 million in federal funding “without key results,” including $143.5 million that the Office of Nuclear Energy gave to NuScale up front without any serious oversight or conditions.
Last month, I told you about GE Vernova and the Japanese company IHI running tests to see whether a gas turbine could run on ammonia, the green version of which is made without producing carbon emissions. If that could work, green ammonia could offer a way to eliminate emissions from gas plants without rendering relatively new turbines suddenly worthless. But green ammonia has traditionally cost much more than the natural gas-based gray ammonia. Not anymore, at least not in Asia. The price of green ammonia is now cheaper than that of gray ammonia due to the ongoing conflict in Iran, Hydrogen Insight reported.
How’s this for a cursed AI prompt: Remake Frank Sinatra’s “The Coffee Song” but make it about rare earths. The U.S. just secured a deal with Brazil to give $565 million in a loan from the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation to produce rare earths at Serra Verde’s mine. The move comes right after the U.S. managed to snatch up one of the few Congolese cobalt miners that China didn’t already control.
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Talking with National Grid’s Matthew Satterwhite about his new report with S&P Global.
This week’s conversation is with Matthew Satterwhite, head of U.S. policy for National Grid. This week National Grid released a report in collaboration with S&P Global I found noteworthy amidst the data center backlash, asserting that building new transmission lines can potentially reduce consumer costs. I reached out asking if we could chat about how this argument leans into the fight over hyperscale infrastructure. I found our conversation illuminating and educational.
The following Q&A was lightly edited for clarity.
Why did you make this report?
It’s all focused on our customers. We’re always looking to find ways to make sure we can provide our service in the most affordable way possible, the most efficient way possible, and we always think of transmission, but it’s fallen out of favor recently. There’s so much demand with large loads, data centers, advanced manufacturing, reshoring. There’s such a need, and a lot of the debate has been focused on what we need on the generation side. We think transmission is an answer, as well.
We focused on what we have control over — since we’re in deregulated states, the only generation we’re doing is to help states reach their renewable goals. It’s a real page-turner. We really get to the core of everything.
Can we lower customer bills with transmission? This report actually showed us that’s a good investment and helps with the resource adequacy and the constraint problems we have in the Northeast. You can bring cheaper electricity in.
With respect to concerns for everyday consumers, how much do you feel like new transmission might alleviate ordinary Americans’ concerns about rising energy prices?
When you look at the demand that’s coming, the projection is that by 2035, we’ll have to add 45 gigawatts, currently. We’re on that path right now. Transmission alone isn’t going to meet that, but the question is, how do we temper that down? What do we do as National Grid to help alleviate the need for all that demand? Can we get that somewhere else rather than in the region by building generation? It's a different version of all of the above. It’s not a generation single answer or a transmission single answer. We think transmission is a big part of that.
This also allows you to bring in cleaner energy from other places. The more robust the network is, you can have energy in different places and bring that in. It replaces the need for some of the generation to be built and pays for itself by creating a cheaper return for customers adding this.
How much of the data center backlash is affecting your transmission project planning calculus? How is it changing what lines are built in the country?
We’re focused on how we can provide the cheapest service for our customers and physics. It’s science and long-term planning. We don’t have the luxury — we can’t follow, this month we’re thinking something, someone got mad, and so we’re thinking something else. We study a lot of science and physics to figure out how to build the grid.
Do you feel like the average Joe Schmoe American sees transmission as making their life less expensive and making their electricity more reliable?
I think there’s frustration and a lack of understanding about the industry overall. There’s fear of the unknown. Are data centers really driving everything that’s happening? That’s where I think, with reports like this, the benefit of it will be that people will read this and see there’s other things we can do to address the load that we need, something different than building a bunch of generation plants.
How do the question marks around whether data centers get built affect transmission planning? How much harder is the backlash making your job?
It’s a science question. Do we do a bunch of work and then nothing happens? That’s why states put their policies out. There’s multiple studies you go through with a region and with a utility. I think that’s one reason why you see states slowing down, to make sure the policy is in check so people don’t do work they don’t need to do. It’s about having the policy to make sure, if you’re studying something, you’re doing it with a purpose.
Plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.
1. Clark County, Nevada – The first data center approved on federal lands has hit a legal brick wall.
2. Jackson County, Missouri – We have yet another high-profile case of a city councilor losing their job over voting for a data center, and this one’s a doozy.
3. Utah – What’s it take for the Bureau of Land Management to approve a big transmission line for zero-emission energy generation these days? Geothermal, baby.
4. Huntsville, Alabama – You can’t even build a tiny battery storage facility in the middle of Alabama anymore.
Where temporary moratoria could happen next.
Brace yourself for more statewide data center moratoria.
So far there are only two full state-wide blocks on data center permits, in New York and Texas. At least fifteen states have moratorium legislation in the pipeline, but few if any of those bills stand a chance of becoming law in the short term. Here are five states, however, where a broad development pause may gain momentum in the next year or two — and all of them are crucial to watch this November.
If you blinked you may have missed it: New Hampshire Governor Kelly Ayotte, a Republican, said she wants to enact a statewide data center moratorium.
Ayotte first came out in support of a pause last month at a Rotary Club meeting, declaring, “It does not make any sense at all to site a data center in New Hampshire.” She also reportedly plans to include a moratorium proposal in her upcoming 2027 fiscal budget. New Hampshire’s legislative sessions occur in the first half of the year, so we won’t see action on a moratorium bill this fall. But Ayotte’s statements suggest the Granite State — which is controlled by the GOP — could pivot to a pause very soon.
New Hampshire has very few data centers. Like, almost none. Only two project fights exist in the Heatmap Pro database, both in Portsmouth, and each has been canceled amidst opposition. Ayotte’s remarks were prompted by the fight against a hyperscale project being studied in the small town of Bow at a former coal plant that closed in late 2025.
None of this should surprise anyone familiar with New England NIMBYs. A New Hampshire moratorium also makes sense given the state’s proximity to Maine, which almost had one of its own. Ayotte, who is up for re-election this year, is likely looking at the political fortunes of Governor Janet Mills and trying to avoid potholes ahead of a likely blue wave hitting her state.
This week, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, a Democrat, came out in support of a statewide data center moratorium.
Mayes told Arizonans in a public statement on Monday that she wants to avoid undue strain on the electric grid and adding to the burden of water cuts led by the Trump administration. Phoenix, where opposition grows by the day, seems to be the primary reason. This shouldn’t in any way be a surprise given the backlash to these projects, which in Arizona’s case is rooted in legitimate water security concerns.
One of the first high-profile data center conflicts I ever learned about was in Arizona: Project Blue, which had to move on from the city of Tucson after officials voted it down last summer. That led Amazon to bail from the facility, though it’s still under development elsewhere on county land. Locals are deeply concerned about the water impacts.
Ordinarily an attorney general wouldn’t have any sway on legislative or executive policy, but the state is already quite receptive to restricting data center development. Governor Katie Hobbs has enacted a three-year pause on tax abatements for data centers, and in response to requests for comment on Mayes’ statement, has told media she’s working on more policies targeting the sector. Hobbs has said she will do more in the following legislative session, but it’s not clear what.
The real decisive action here is probably going to be legislation, and that will depend on the reception any moratorium finds with Republicans in the state legislature, which is typically split in this purple state. The Arizona GOP is quite pro-industry, and Mayes’ opponent in her race for re-election opposes restricting data center construction.
You really should get to know the name Cindy Holscher for the next two months.
Holscher, a state senator, won a surprise upset victory in the Democratic gubernatorial primary this year, and currently sits within a one-point margin of her Republican opponent. How’d she get the nom? By calling for a statewide data center moratorium. “It reminds me of when the automobile manufacturers had to put seatbelts into their cars,“ Holscher told MSNOW after she won the primary. “We as a people and as a state just need to make sure there are guardrails in place.”
Kansas politics are weird. The state is best known as a conservative ideological bastion that’s pro-business. Full Republican control of the Kansas government during the Obama era led to significant social services cuts most closely associated with former Governor Sam Brownback. But after that, Kansans seemed to like moderate Democratic governors, electing Laura Kelly in 2022. Kelly is now term limited out of office.
Kansas already has a colorful patchwork of local data center and renewable energy restrictions. Land use is a big deal in this agricultural behemoth. Should Holscher win in a blue wave year, she would have a mandate to enact a statewide moratorium. Still, Republicans control the legislature, and that’s unlikely to change. My major questions are, should Holscher win, would the GOP in state government listen to Holscher’s request? Or can she do this through the executive branch?
Politics nerds are obsessing over Ohio right now. There, Trump acolyte Vivek Ramaswamy is neck-and-neck in the polls for governor with a Democratic candidate who backs a “conditional” data center moratorium: Amy Acton.
What’s a conditional moratorium? It’s in the eye of the beholder, really. Technically speaking, Governor Josh Shapiro instituted a conditional moratorium in Pennsylvania, where data center projects cannot get permits unless they meet very specific standards set by the governor himself. Shapiro did it through executive action, but in this case, it’s unclear whether the moratorium will be codified through that process or through law.
Should Acton win — or if former Senator Sherrod Brown defeats sitting Senator Jon Husted in the U.S. Senate race — I anticipate major legislative action on data centers in Ohio. Republicans there have essentially permanent control of the state legislature, and they’ve historically been pro-data center. But the freakout over opposition to artificial intelligence and hyperscalers in the senate race specifically has spooked national Republicans, who think it provided the opening Brown needed to potentially win back his seat. Acton and Brown’s political fortunes appear to be wedded to one another, linked to a general angst in the American public.
Every top 5 list needs a wild card, and mine is Oklahoma.
Currently, there’s minimal risk of a data center moratorium. I might’ve had this state higher on my list had Gentner Drummond won the runoff for the GOP gubernatorial primary, given his proclivity to side with anti-renewables activists who also oppose data centers. Instead, likely future governor Mike Mazzei is running on a more moderate, Trump-friendly approach to data centers centered on maintaining industry growth while protecting ratepayers from new infrastructure costs. His opponent, Cyndi Munson, supports a one-year moratorium.
I consider Oklahoma’s odds of having a data center moratorium about equal to the chance of a statewide wind energy ban. Momentum for anti-wind legislation began in the state legislature, and I expect the same to happen with data centers. But unlike the wind industry, which has enormous power in the state, data centers are still a nascent industry. This is a place that may take about two or three years to manifest full cultural upheaval over these projects.