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On precious metals, China’s iron mine, and New York’s gas ban

Current conditions: With colder air spilling southward from Canada, snow is expected in New England and Upstate New York • Winds of up to 50 miles per hour are blasting the West Coast • Temperatures of nearly 108 degrees Fahrenheit are roasting Senegal.

It’s Election Day. Not every race has significant implications for climate change, but at least a few do. As Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo wrote, those races include:
One other race I’ll add, since it’s one of the most closely-watched elections in the nation, is the one for New York City mayor. While frontrunner Zohran Mamdani has so far said little about energy besides opposing a controversial gas pipeline into the five boroughs, the left-wing Democratic nominee said he would support construction of new nuclear power plants upstate at the last debate. City Hall has limited say over state energy policy, but the mayor does control the contracts the city government writes with the state-owned utility, the New York Power Authority, which is currently working on building a new nuclear plant. If his remarks at the final debate are any indication, Mamdani may endorse contracts to buy power from nuclear power plants as well as the wind and solar he vocally supported as a state lawmaker. “If he can buck the trend of the environmental left’s hostility to nuclear, he could demonstrate to New York City — and to democratic socialist supporters nationwide, who already view him as a likely successor to (notoriously antinuclear) Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders — that the left can think rationally about the energy system, its affordability, and the wide scope of the climate problem,” the writer Fred Stafford wrote in an op-ed for Heatmap this morning. “That would truly be charting a new path.”
On stage at the Abu Dhabi International Petroleum Exhibition and Conference yesterday, Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum announced the United States’ support for a critical minerals “club” of countries that will trade the metals needed for energy and weapons without relying on China. “In the last few weeks, the United States has announced a framework for creating a club of nations to be able to trade … [and for] refining and processing critical minerals,” Burgum said at the Adipec conference, according to E&E News.
As Heatmap’s Katie Brigham put it recently, “everybody wants to invest in critical minerals startups,” including the Trump administration. The U.S. military’s Office of Strategic Capital put up a $620 million loan for Vulcan Elements’ efforts to build a factory to produce 10,000 metric tons of rare earth magnets, according to The Wall Street Journal. The Department of Commerce is chipping in another $50 million, while private investors contribute $550 million to a deal that involves ReElement Technologies, a startup that purifies and recycles rare earth metals. Meanwhile, the Export-Import Bank of the U.S. signed onto a letter of interest promising to provide as much as $191 million in financing to Locksley Resources’ rare earths project in California’s Mojave desert.
Bloomberg Businessweek has a sweeping new dispatch from the rainforests of Guinea, where China recently completed a railroad that allows mining companies mostly controlled by Beijing to tap one of the world’s largest and richest iron ore deposits. At $23 billion, the project is Africa’s biggest ever mining project and could make the tiny West African nation the continent’s No. 2 mineral exporter. “Never before has China held this level of pricing power over the seaborne iron ore trade,” Tom Price, head of commodities strategy at Panmure Liberum, told the magazine. “Expect it to start calling the shots here.”
The U.S. has largely struggled to get a leg up on China in critical minerals. As I wrote here last month, the world’s leading commodities traders have urged Western governments to focus on refining metals, not just mining them. In September, I broke news in Heatmap about an Ohio startup called Xerion extending its novel approach to processing mineral ore from cobalt to gallium.
Utility giant Southern Company has signed deals for at least 7 gigawatts of data centers and other large power users, but has a pipeline of more than 50 gigawatts in the works, the company said in its third-quarter earnings last week. The company, which controls some of the largest utilities in the Southeast, is requiring “strong customer protections and credit provisions” to protect against rate increases to serve the new loads, Chief Financial Officer David Poroch said on the call, according to Utility Dive. “Our pipeline of large load data centers and manufacturers continues to be robust across our electric subsidiaries. The total pipeline remains more than 50 gigawatts of potential incremental load by mid 2030s.”
Poroch’s price caveats track with a trend Matthew Zeitlin wrote about recently, of utilities bending over backward to convince even their investors that ratepayers won’t be on the hook for the cost of serving the artificial intelligence buildout. With opposition to data centers high and rising, they’re trying to avoid a popular backlash.
Nineteen Democrats in the New York State Assembly want Governor Kathy Hochul to reject a mandate for electrifying new buildings. The signatories to a letter calling on the governor to halt plans to ban gas hookups in new construction include lawmakers from New York City, Long Island, and upstate, along with Assembly Majority Leader Crystal Peoples-Stokes. The letter was sent to the governor Monday, but Hochul already said she’d consider the request, Politico reported.
Another key test Mamdani's likely election will set up is how highly he prioritizes opposition to the Northeast Supply Enhancement pipeline designed to carry gas from Pennsylvania's fracking fields to stoves and furnaces in the outer boroughs. Hochul supports the project, which backers say will bring down the cost of a fuel that -- even in the most ambitious decarbonization scenarios -- New York will continue to need for many years. After running a campaign laser-focused on affordability, his approach to the project may reveal how important opposing fossil fuel infrastructure remains for the left wing of the Democratic Party.
It’s not your typical kind of media deal. The Cool Down, a climate and sustainability website known for its explainers about sustainable lifestyles and how-to guides, sold itself to the clean-energy company Palmetto. The North Carolina-based company, which leases solar panels, batteries, heat pumps, and other electrified technologies to consumers, has been expanding in recent months, as Heatmap’s Robinson Meyer wrote in a scoop on the acquisition yesterday. “By bringing our companies together, we’re pairing trusted consumer education with real, accessible energy solutions. Together we intend to empower households to take control of their energy future and benefit from the transition that’s already underway,” Chris Kemper, the founder and CEO of Palmetto, said in a statement.
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New tariffs and price floors for imported polysilicon aim to protect U.S. producers from Chinese competition.
Almost exactly a month after President Donald Trump’s landmark tax law effectively eliminated a key incentive for solar developers to buy panels made in America, his administration is throwing a lifeline to manufacturers behind the nation’s fastest-growing and quickest-to-deploy source of electricity.
On Thursday afternoon, after the markets closed, the White House announced new tariffs and minimum import prices for imported polysilicon as part of an effort to prop up the domestic supply chain for the primary ingredient in semiconductors and solar panels.
The levies come in response to complaints from polysilicon makers that the dearth of U.S. factories demanding solar-grade polysilicon made it difficult to compete with Chinese giants who benefit from selling both the solar- and microchip-grade versions of the ultra-pure industrial material derived from quartz and sand. The companies made the petition under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, which gives the White House the power to restrict imports and charge tariffs on imports that demonstrably impair national security.
The Trump administration will impose a 15% tariff on all imports and set baseline prices at which the levies would apply for each component in the solar supply chain. Polysilicon will have a minimum import price of $20 per kilogram. Wafers, the ultra-thin slice of crystalline silicon that acts as the foundation of a photovoltaic cell, and ingots, the silicon material before it’s sliced, will start at $100 per kilogram. Cells, the tiny silicon-based devices that absorb photons from sunlight and break away electrons that generate electrical currents, will have a minimum price of $0.22 per watt. Modules, the completed panels, are $0.38 a watt.
The majority of U.S. solar factories simply assemble wafers and cells into modules, leaving them reliant on imports. But the policy won’t hit all at once. The Commerce Department is giving companies 120 days before the restrictions kick in.
The agency will also set up an incentive program that allows manufacturers that make large capital investments in the U.S. to avoid the worst of the levies. Jeffrey Kessler, the Under Secretary of Commerce in charge of executing on 232 cases, pushed for the provision as a bid to avoid what happened when Europe attempted to protect its own solar manufacturers by setting a minimum import price meant to keep Chinese companies from flooding the market. That policy ended up subsidizing the very Chinese parent companies putting market domination ahead of profits back home.
Avoiding that outcome is tricky under any circumstances. China and the U.S. don’t have a tax treaty, which makes it difficult for American authorities to confirm a company’s ownership structure. The surest way to seal off the U.S. market is with 100% tariffs such as those imposed on Chinese electric vehicles.
In this case, the Commerce Department decided to allow companies with active plans to onshore the solar supply chain to apply for an exemption from the new trade rules. Ahead of the announcement, sources familiar with the talks listed South Korean giant Qcells, which just opened the nation’s largest integrated solar factory in Georgia, as one obvious example of a company that would pass muster.
Solar manufacturers applauded the move. “Today’s decision from the White House balances the reality of where America’'s solar energy manufacturing is today while advancing our collective ambition to onshore the entire supply chain from polysilicon to finished panels in the U.S.,” Andy Park, the global CEO of Qcells, said in an emailed statement. “American solar manufacturers are ready to rise to the occasion.”
The trade action “creates a market where wafer and cell manufacturing can happen in the United States, and companies can go fully vertically integrated,” Nick Iacovella, the executive vice president of the Coalition for a Prosperous America, a bipartisan trade association that represents manufacturing companies at every stage of the polysilicon supply chain, told Heatmap.
“What this does is cement a key input in the supply chain that’s critical not just for chips, but for the most efficient, best-performing solar modules,” he said. “We shore up our chip supply chain at a time when there is a greater urgency to derisk from China invading Taiwan — and also during a time when the AI data center boom is driving massive demand for new energy generation, with solar driving a lot of the new capacity coming onto the grid.”
The levies come a week after the Federal Communications Commission banned the use of new types of foreign-made inverters, the equipment needed to patch solar panels onto the grid. Analysts said the ban would have a limited effect on the solar industry, since it allows for the current models on the market to be sold. The purpose of that policy is to prop up domestic factories at a moment when Europe, despite its struggle to reindustrialize, is experiencing an inverter manufacturing boom.
Despite those intentions, multiple industry sources who spoke on condition of anonymity told Heatmap that trade restrictions alone would likely prove insufficient to prop up a domestic solar supply chain at the scale needed to minimize imports.
The latest data from the Rhodium Group found that new U.S. investments in solar factories peaked from the second half of 2022 through the first quarter of 2025. During that time, as Emily reported in May, the announced projects averaged more than $2 billion per quarter. At least 30 new utility-scale solar factories opened across the U.S. just last year.
Since then, development has plummeted. Investment in new solar factories announced fell to about $350 million in the first quarter of 2026, a drop of more than 80%.
By raising the price of panels overall, the Commerce Department is providing a particular boon to America’s leading solar manufacturer, First Solar. While the Phoenix-based panel-maker’s thin-film cell technology doesn’t use polysilicon, the price hike from the tariffs will give the company an edge by allowing the company to either raise its prices to match new industry-wide benefits or undercut its competitors. Investors in the company told Heatmap its recent bookings average sales of about $0.36 per watt.
Another clear winner is T1 Energy, which Roth analysts say “would eventually be a beneficiary once it ramps up its U.S. cell manufacturing, which is now expected to come online” next year. The company’s share price spiked more than 10% in after-hours trading, while First Solar was up more than 8%.
“There are a lot of people in the administration who support solar,” Iacovella said. “They just don’t want a bunch of Chinese solar panels.”
Still, he added, “this is all about the chip supply chain.” While the benefits to solar are welcome, “this is a two-for-one.”
The Trump administration has signed a deal with RWE, a German developer, to cancel more than 3 gigawatts of offshore wind near New York and New Jersey.
This is an edition of Heatmap Daily, an evening review of the day’s news written by our executive editor. Sign up for it here.
There goes another one. The German energy developer RWE has signed a $1.2 billion deal with the Trump administration to give up its claims to develop offshore wind farms in New York, California, and Louisiana. The Trump administration has now bought out 12 offshore wind leases, paying energy developers $3.93 billion for the privilege of not developing renewable energy along the American coastline.
Today’s is the largest payout yet — and fittingly so, I suppose, because it is among the most damaging. As part of the deal, RWE abandoned its plans to build a more than 3-gigawatt offshore wind farm in the New York Bight. When RWE first leased that site in 2022, it paid $1.1 billion for it — the biggest offshore wind lease auction ever held in the United States.
RWE promised that the resulting facility, dubbed Community Offshore Wind, would generate 700 jobs and $3 billion in local economic activity. It would have been close enough to New Jersey and New York that its power could have flowed to either state, although no final power contract was ever signed. Now all of that is kaput.
In the eyes of some critics, RWE had overpaid for that lease — and in that context, the Trump administration has I suppose done the German developer a favor, bailing them out from a bad investment in a legally dubious manner. (New York’s attorney general is suing to block a similar payout to Total Energies.)
But even beyond that context, there remains one big problem with these deals — an issue even more glaring now than when Trump started targeting wind projects last year. It is that the United States — and especially the Northeast, and especially New York — needs as much electricity as it can get right now. The Trump administration is striving to bring new power demand online in the form of data centers, but cutting off new sources of generation if they fail to meet its aesthetic standards.
Anticipating this sensitivity, RWE’s press statement announcing the deal goes on to list major energy projects that it’s committed to in the United States. These projects all involve, coincidentally (or not), fossil fuels: They include a $900 million stake in a Louisiana liquified natural gas export terminal and a $300 million reservation for new natural gas turbines. (RWE implies, but doesn’t say outright, that it will build 15 natural gas peaker plants with these turbines.) When we asked for more details about these projects, and whether we should anticipate anything new, RWE immediately got back to us: “We are unable to discuss further details on the investments.”
Yet as RWE well knows, these projects won’t help solve a coming energy shortage in New York or New England. For one, the Louisiana LNG export terminal is, well, an export terminal: It will help move energy out of the country, not generate more of it at home. Those exports might boost Americans’ fortunes in a vague, long-term, balance-of-payments way, but they won’t keep a lid on anyone’s power bills (which, by the way, just hit an all-time high). More importantly, the 15 peaker plants that RWE cites are largely going to be built … in other regions of the country. If the lights go out on Houston Street, a new gas plant in Houston can’t help.
Americans paid $217 on average for electricity last month, according to Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub.
July is typically the season of high electricity bills, and this year is no exception.
Nationally, the average electricity bill spiked to $217, an all-time high, according to new data from Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub. That’s up from $177 in June, and $215 last July. Meanwhile, electricity rates were 19 cents per kilowatt-hour, virtually unchanged from June and slightly higher than July of last year.
Throughout the country, many ratepayers are seeing higher costs and charges in the portion of their bill covering the cost of power generation.
Once again, some of the most notable electricity price and bill trends were seen in the mid-Atlantic region, the heart of the data center boom and the anchor area of the PJM Interconnection. The region also includes Virginia, where Florida utility and energy developer NextEra is attempting to acquire the commonwealth’s dominant utility, Dominion.
In July, Dominion customers saw typical generation charges rise to $155 a month, up from $124 a year ago. Overall bills for Dominion customers were about $259 this past month.
The higher bills are in part due to the “fuel charge rider” that went into effect this past month to help recover about $1 billion in additional generation costs claimed by the utility. Those charges stem in part from higher fuel costs this past winter, when natural gas prices spiked to their highest level since the winter of 2022-23, Dominion officials said in a filing to the state’s utilities regulator. The MIT researchers estimate that the fuel charge added around $53 to July bills, up $12 from July of last year.
In neighboring Delaware, bills were $216 a month in July, a record high, while prices were around 19 cents per kilowatt-hour. Customers of the state’s main utility, Delmarva Power, saw a near 20% hike in the supply charge in their standard service offerings, as prices rose from around 16 cents per kilowatt-hour from last year.
The Delaware Public Service Commission voted at the beginning of last month to allow an interim rate increase of about $3 per month for the typical customer, which went into effect July 9. Soon after, Delaware Governor Matt Meyer signed a law giving the state’s regulators more discretion to reject putting certain utility costs into the rate base and thus limit subsequent price hikes requested by utilities. The governor’s office described the law as a mechanism “to prioritize prudent spending over unchecked cost recovery.”