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How America’s one-time leader in designing small modular nuclear reactors missed out on $800 million.

When Congress earmarked $800 million in the 2021 bipartisan infrastructure law to finance the deployment of the United States’ first small modular reactors, there was one obvious recipient lawmakers and industry alike had in mind: NuScale Power.
The Oregon-based company had honed its reactor to meet the 21st century nuclear industry’s needs. The design, completed in the years after the Fukushima disaster in Japan, rendered a similar meltdown virtually impossible. The output, equal to 50 megawatts of electricity, meant that developers would need to install the reactors in packs, which would hasten the rate of learning and bring down costs in much the same way assembly line repetition made solar, wind, and batteries cheap. In mid-2022, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission certified NuScale’s design, making the company’s reactor the first — and so far only — SMR to win federal approval. Seeing NuScale as its champion, the Department of Energy plowed at least $583 million into what was supposed to be the company’s first deployment. To slap an exclamation point on its preeminence, NuScale picked the ticker “SMR” when it went public on the New York Stock Exchange that year.
That September, I toured the shuttered Oyster Creek nuclear plant in New Jersey, where a very different kind of nuclear company, decommissioning specialist Holtec International, was considering building the first of its own as-yet-unapproved SMRs as part of an effort to get into the energy generation game. Holtec’s trajectory to becoming an active nuclear plant operator seemed all but certain, but a former employee cast serious doubts on whether it would end up producing its own reactors. “NuScale is at the front of the line right now,” the former Holtec employee told me at the time. “It’s more realistic to bet your horses on that.”
But forerunners are not always frontrunners. When the Energy Department finally awarded that $800 million earlier this month to two different reactor companies, neither one was NuScale.
Splitting the funding between two projects, the agency gave $400 million to build GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy’s 300-megawatt BWRX-300 reactor at the Tennessee Valley Authority’s Clinch River site, just south of Oak Ridge. The other $400 million went to Holtec to fund the expansion of the Palisades nuclear plant in western Michigan using the company’s own 300-megawatt SMR-300 reactor — the same one I saw it prepping for in New Jersey.
“I call it the eff NuScale award,” one industry source, who previously worked at NuScale and requested anonymity to speak frankly about the company, told me, using slightly more colorful language.
NuScale declined my request for an interview.
Spun out of research at Oregon State University and the Idaho National Laboratory in 2007, NuScale appeared at the peak of the last attempt at a nuclear renaissance, when the Bush administration planned to build dozens of new reactors to meet the country’s needs for clean electricity. That just two large reactors conceived at that time — the pair of gigawatt-sized Westinghouse AP1000s completed at Southern Company’s Alvin W. Vogtle Electric Generating Plant over the past two years — seemed to justify NuScale’s smaller approach.
Since America’s first commercial nuclear plant came online at Pennsylvania’s Shippingport plant in December 1957, reactors have been bespoke megaprojects, each designed to particular needs and geological conditions. Atomic energy projects regularly went over budget. In the 1960s and 1970s, when the majority of the nation’s 94 operating reactors were built, that didn’t matter. Utilities were vertically integrated monopolies that controlled the power plants, the distribution lines, and sales to ratepayers. Cost overruns on power stations were offset by profits in other divisions. As appliances such as dishwashers, washing machines, and air conditioners relieved the tedium of managing American households, electricity sales climbed and made billion-dollar nuclear projects manageable.
In the 1990s, however, the Clinton-era drive to end big government brought the market’s efficient logic to the electric grid, which was supposed to bring down rates by making power plants compete against each other. The practical effect was to render a years-long endeavor with steep upfront costs, such as building a nuclear plant, virtually impossible to justify in markets where gas plants, solar farms, and wind turbines could come online faster and cheaper. That those energy sources wouldn’t last as long or provide as much electricity as nuclear reactors did not enter into the calculus.
SMRs were supposed to solve that dilemma. The most common metaphor harkened to aerospace: Traditional nuclear plants were built to local specs, like airports, whereas SMRs would be built like airplanes rolling off the factory floor. A utility looking to generate a gigawatt of electricity could build one AP1000, or it could buy 20 of NuScale’s 50-megawatt units. Vogtle Unit 4, which came online last year, ended up costing 30% less than Vogtle Unit 3, the debut AP1000 that started up in 2023, since it could rely on the previous unit’s design and supply chain. If NuScale’s reactors followed the same trajectory, the cost savings by the time the 20th reactor came online would be stupendous.
But what works on paper doesn’t always pan out in concrete. In November 2023, less than three months after Vogtle Unit 3 entered into service, NuScale’s first project — a half-dozen of reactors near the Idaho National Laboratory, meant to sell electricity to a network of municipal power companies in Utah — collapsed as inflation ballooned costs.
The company seemingly hasn’t been able to catch a break since then. Last year, the U.S. Export-Import Bank approved a loan to fund construction of a NuScale project in Romania; in August, the company announced that a final investment decision on the plant near Bucharest could be delayed until 2027. Over the summer, a project developer in Idaho floated the idea of building NuScale reactors at the site of a giant wind farm the Trump administration canceled. But NuScale denied the effort in an email to me at the time, and nothing has yet come of it.
The company has lately shown some green shoots, however. The NRC approved an upgrade to NuScale’s design in July, raising the output to 77 megawatts to make the reactor roughly 50% more powerful. In September, NuScale’s exclusive development partner, Entra1, inked a deal with the TVA to build up to six of its reactors at one of the federal utility’s sites in southeastern Tennessee.
“It’s too early to discount NuScale,” Chris Gadomski, the lead nuclear analyst at the consultancy BloombergNEF, told me.
But the TVA project was also too early-stage for the Energy Department to make a bet, experts told me.
“This isn’t necessarily the government picking winners here as much as the market is supporting projects at these two sites, at least pending government approval,” Adam Stein, the director of nuclear energy innovation at the think tank Breakthrough Institute, said. “The government is supporting projects the market has already considered.”
By contrast, GE-Hitachi’s Clinch River project has been in the works for nearly four years. The BWRX-300 has other advantages. GE-Hitachi — a joint venture between the American energy-equipment giant GE Vernova and the Japanese industrial behemoth Hitachi — has decades of experience in the nuclear space. Indeed, a third of the reactors in the U.S. fleet are boiling water reactors, the design GE pioneered in the mid-20th century and updated as an SMR with the BWRX-300. Making the technology more appealing is the fact that Ontario Power Generation is building the first BWRX-300, meaning that the state-owned utility in Canada’s most populous province can work out the kinks and allow for the TVA’s project to piggyback off the lessons learned.
While Holtec may be a newcomer to nuclear generation, the company has manufactured specialized containers to store spent reactor fuel for more than three decades, giving it experience in nuclear projects. Holtec is also close to bringing the single reactor at the Palisades plant back online, which will be the first time a nuclear plant returns to regular operation in the U.S. Like NuScale’s, Holtec’s SMR is based on the pressurized water reactor design that makes up nearly 70% of the U.S. fleet.
The point is, both companies have existing nuclear businesses that lay the groundwork for becoming SMR vendors. “GE is a nuclear fuel and services business and Holtec is a nuclear waste services and decommissioning business. That’s what they live on,” the former NuScale employee told me. “NuScale lives on the thoughts, prayers, and good graces of investors.”
Shares of NuScale today trade at roughly double the price of its initial public offering, which is at least in part a reflection of the feverish stock surges for SMR companies over the past year. The artificial intelligence boom has spurred intense excitement on Wall Street for nuclear power, but many of the established companies in the industry are not publicly traded — Westinghouse, GE-Hitachi, and Holtec are all privately held. That could be an advantage. Last month, the prices of most major SMR companies plunged in what the journalist Robert Bryce said indicates the “hype over SMRs is colliding with the realities of the marketplace.” NuScale saw the steepest drop.
But Brett Rampal, a nuclear analyst at the consultancy Veriten, said NuScale’s “current focus around its relationship with Entra1” could make the company more nimble than its rivals because it can “pursue potential projects absent a direct utility customer, like GE, or owning the asset themselves, like Holtec.”
One factor the market isn’t apparently considering yet: whether the type of SMR NuScale, GE-Hitachi, and Holtec are designing actually pencil out.
The Energy Department’s funding was designed for third-generation SMRs, meaning shrunk-down, less powerful versions of light water reactors, an umbrella category that includes both boiling and pressurized water reactors. The option to go smaller existed in the heyday of nuclear construction in the 1970s, but developers at that time found that larger reactors delivered economies of scale that made more financial sense. Neither Russia, the world’s top nuclear exporter and the only country to deploy an SMR so far, nor China, the nation building the most new atomic power plants by far, including an SMR, has filled its order books with smaller reactors. Instead, the leading Chinese design is actually a bigger, more powerful version of the AP1000.
Calculations from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology estimate that the first BWRX-300 will cost significantly more than another AP1000, given that the GE-Hitachi model has yet to be built and the Westinghouse reactor has an established design and supply chain. That reality has propelled growing interest in building large-scale reactors again in the U.S. In October, the Department of Commerce brokered a landmark deal to spend $80 billion on 10 new AP1000s. This week, Westinghouse’s majority owner Brookfield inked a deal to complete construction on the aborted VC Summer AP1000 project in South Carolina.
At the same time, the Energy Department has kicked off a pilot program designed to hasten deployment of fourth-generation reactors, the type of technology that uses coolants other than water. Bill Gates’ molten salt-cooled reactor company, TerraPower, just cleared its final safety hurdle at the NRC for its so-called Natrium reactor, setting the stage to potentially build the nation’s first commercial fourth-generation nuclear plant in Wyoming.
“From a marketing point of view, everyone has consistently said that light water reactor SMRs will be the fastest to market,” Stein said. But the way things are going, both NuScale and its peers could get lapped yet again.
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Rep. Jeff Van Drew was defeated by ... another wind opponent.
Democrat Zack Mullock unseated Representative Jeff Van Drew, one of offshore wind’s biggest foes, on Tuesday night in the race for New Jersey’s second district. But while Mullock is a fan of renewable energy, he’s still a man of the south Jersey shore — and unlikely to be a champion for turbines off his coast.
District 2 encompasses the entire lower quarter of the state, covering six coastal counties from Atlantic City down to the tip of Cape May and around to the Delaware Bay. The area is a hotbed for offshore wind opposition, where groups like Protect our Coasts NJ have filed legal challenges against almost every wind project proposed in the region.
After heading to Congress in 2019, Van Drew, who was previously a Democrat, switched parties and became a key ally to this movement. He called for a moratorium on offshore wind development, held hearings on offshore wind “industrialization”, and requested that the Government Accountability Office investigate the industry. He also worked with the Trump administration to block projects that were under construction.
During a debate in late October, Mullock accused Van Drew of flip flopping on wind, arguing that the congressman was a staunch supporter of the industry during his decade-long tenure in the New Jersey legislature. Mullock, who is currently serving his second term as mayor of the city of Cape May, summed up his own position by citing a resolution he signed in 2023 calling for a moratorium on surveying and acoustic testing for offshore wind development pending an investigation into a spate of whale deaths. He signed it due to “concerns” about the environment and commercial fishing, he said.
“I believe very much in our future with renewable energy,” he said. “We need to go full steam ahead with solar panels. And yes we should do wind where it is appropriate, where it doesn't hurt our environment and it doesn't hurt our commercial fishing industry.”
Mullock’s campaign website says he supports federal investments in renewable energy and incentives for energy-efficient homes. He also wants “stricter enforcement of the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act,” and to fund coastal resiliency and other “smart infrastructure” projects that protect against climate impacts. He also campaigned in support of a data center moratorium.
Early signs point to a rough election for AI infrastructure.
We’ve seen enough: If this was the data center election, it was a really bad night for the industry.
Democratic campaigns and their affiliated Super PACs spent bigly on data center-themed attack ads. The ads came in various flavors. Some ads painted a vote for tax cuts as aiding data center developers. Others brought up candidates’ previous support for data centers or stock the candidate may have held in the tech industry or AI infrastructure developers. As Election Day approached, the data center industry sought to bat back claims that their sector’s poor reputation with the electorate would sway the results. People may have soured on their industry, they argued, but people weren’t going to vote based on that position.
Results are still coming in, but so far congressional races heavily featuring these data center attacks are heavily going in Democrats’ favor. In addition, these races have so profoundly shifted that it’ll be challenging for the industry to argue they played no role in the outcome.
Some of the most illustrative examples are obvious. In Georgia, Democrat Keisha Lance Bottoms campaigned on a statewide data center moratorium and won control of the governor’s mansion, becoming the first black woman to ever lead a U.S. state. Similar results in Ohio where Amy Acton flipped party control of the governor’s seat with a campaign that included going hard against data centers. In Pennsylvania, two Democrats who focused on data centers in their races have flipped Republican districts: Scranton mayor Paige Cognetti and firefighter Bob Brooks. In New Jersey, Cape May mayor Zack Mullock rode data center attacks to defeat Rep. Jeff Van Drew, the biggest opponent of the offshore wind industry. In Virginia, Democrat Shannon Taylor rode data center-laden attacks to take control of the Richmond area congressional seat from Rep. Rob Wittman.
If you’re arguing this election was decided by data centers, your best proof point: Democrat Gina Hinojosa has taken control of the governor's mansion in Texas, defeating incumbent Greg Abbott, who’d sought recently to take a hard line against the industry. Hinojosa ran on going further, calling to pass a law completely pausing data center development across one of the industry’s favorite states. She won a decisive victory. So did Democratic Texas Agriculture Commissioner candidate Clayton Tucker, who I explained months ago became one of anti-data center Facebook’s favorite online personalities.
But it makes sense that data centers would matter a lot in Texas, which could be compared to Virginia in terms of their buildout. When you inspect the election results more closely, they tell a more complicated story about the upper boundaries of these data center attacks.
For decades, Greenville and Spartanburg County have been GOP vote strongholds and reliable for both Republican congressional candidates and statewide campaigns. The congressional district gave Donald Trump at least a 20-point cushion in the 2024 presidential election, according to Decision Desk HQ. Last week, I explained for subscribers to The Fight how Courtney McClain, a novice candidate living one mile from a controversial data center proposal, was running against incumbent Rep. William Timmons. I couldn’t find much in the way of online ad spending on either side in this race and it’s never been on the radar of most political observers as a campaign that could somehow flip party control. But the data center debate in Spartanburg County has been immense.
Tonight, Timmons kept his ordinarily ruby red district by slim single digits after running even for most of the night. But this swing was essentially the same as the national margin. And because Timmons didn’t lose, this actually feels like a crucial distinction – data centers were not deciding races themselves in all cases. Democrat Annie Andrews defeated Republican Darlene Graham in a result driven by Democratic overperformance and GOP underperformance in this area, but it’s challenging to tie this result to the data center issue at all. Anything from the economy and the Iran War to Graham’s deceased brother and his baggage could be blamed for this result from this heavily evangelical region.
However, it will be challenging for the data center sector to differentiate themselves from this outcome, especially since a pro-data center Super PAC – Building the Future – publicly waded into the race in support of Graham only to lose. “Darlene Graham’s loss is a black eye for the data center industry,” wrote Teddy Schleifer of The New York Times on election night.
The same story played out in Georgia’s 1st district, which includes the city of Savannah. OpenAI is developing a controversial data center project in Effingham County, northwest of Savannah and the congressional race – which like South Carolina’s 4th had comparatively little spending – has been chock full of data center mudslinging, with the Democrat Amanda Hollowell calling for broader moratoria on development.
Effingham County went for Trump by almost 50 points in 2024. As of this story’s publication, the Republican, Jim Kingston, is winning by a single percentage point with 93% of the vote in. Most of what’s left is in Effington. Should this candidate win, it’s safe to say it’s because voters in this county looked past data centers, or did not link their vote for a national candidate to the local development.
On Election Night, Effingham County formally tabled any decision on the OpenAI data center. So at least on the ground level, people are paying close attention to these results.
After taking two seats in a special election last year, the party gained a third in the midterms.
Democrats claimed two seats on the Georgia Public Service Commission in a special election last year, ending almost 20 years of unanimous Republican control over the regulator.
One of those winning Democrats, Peter Hubbard, ran again this year for a full six-year term in a rematch against Republican Fitz Johnson. The other open seat this year saw Sheila Edwards running in an open race against Republican Josh Tolbert.
Both Hubbard and Edwads won, securing a 3–2 Democratic majority on the Public Service Commission.
“Over the last 12 months, Georgian consumers have made one thing clear: They are tired of rising utility bills and they are hungry to see change. Georgia’s sea change moment for energy policy has arrived,” Charles Hua, the executive director of the utility-focused advocacy group PowerLines, told me.
The Democrats have not been shy about what their priorities will be on the commission.
“Winning control of the Georgia Public Service Commission means prioritizing lowering power bills instead of constantly increasing corporate profits, ramping up the deployment of clean energy technologies, and focusing the people in our decision-making as state regulators,” Hubbard said in a statement on his website.
Edwards, for her part, made it clear where she stands on data centers specifically in an October debate with Tolbert. “They came into our communities,” Edwards said. “They didn’t pay any taxes. They are using our water, using our electricity, and they’re being a public nuisance to the communities that they’re coming into.”
Hubbard also talked about data centers on Heatmap’s Shift Key podcast back in June. “I advocate for a whole-of-government approach, because while the Public Service Commission really only has oversight over the power side of things — where that power comes from and how much data centers are paying on their tariff — there’s much larger issues in terms of water use, in terms of the tax incentives,” he told my colleague Robinson Meyer. “The estimate is $3.5 billion in tax abatements this year in Georgia, uncollected revenue that data centers otherwise would be willing to pay.”
The race has seen outsize spending and interest from major figures not accustomed to dealing in utility regulator races. (Just 10 states have elected utility commissions, period.) Kamala Harris appeared at a virtual fundraiser for the Democratic candidates in Georgia, as well as Democratic hopefuls to the Arizona Corporation Commission. The solar energy industry spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in support of the Democrats in Georgia. Meanwhile, anonymous donors pumped millions of dollars into Tolbert’s bid.
Democrats swept into the Georgia PSC last year on a wave of dissatisfaction with rising electricity prices, especially rate hikes attached to the construction of two new nuclear reactors at the Vogtle Electric Generating Plant, which ran years behind schedule and billions of dollars over budget. In the runup to the election, the PSC approved a three-year base rate freeze proposed by Georgia Power in an attempt to head off public dissatisfaction.
In the past year, rates in Georgia have gone up by less than 1% across the state on average, according to the Heatmap-MIT Electricity Price Hub, while rates are up over 18% in the last three years and over 6% in the past two years.
Shares in Southern Company, the parent company of Georgia Power, were down slightly more than 0.5% in after-hours trading Tuesday night.