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On desalination, Japanese nuclear, and Latin American hydroelectricity

Current conditions: Des Moines, Iowa, is bracing for thunderstorms through Thursday night • Temperatures in Touggourt, in northern Algeria, are soaring north of 103 degrees Fahrenheit • European forecasters expect the brewing El Niño conditions forming now could become the strongest ever recorded.
Last August, the Internal Revenue Service issued strict new rules for solar and wind developers hoping to tap the federal tax credits known as 45Y, for the production of carbon-free electricity, and 48E, for investment in green generating assets. For years, the U.S. government had required companies to invest 5% of the total cost of the project by a certain deadline to qualify for the rebates. But last summer, the Trump administration eliminated the 5% threshold and instead mandated that projects over 1.5 megawatts in capacity show evidence that physical construction has begun to be eligible for the writeoffs. In all, the new rules “could have been so much worse,” Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo wrote at the time. But requiring construction to start narrowed the scope of how many turbines and panels could be built before the two tax credits are phased out this July 4. With less than a month to go before the credits go away, a federal court has intervened to restore the original 5% rules. On Saturday, the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia overturned the Internal Revenue Service’s strict new rules. The decision found that the Trump administration had repeatedly failed to back up its justifications for eliminating the 5% provision, consider reasonable alternatives, or demonstrate that the policy change wasn’t motivated by discriminatory views of the wind and solar sectors. “Evidence in the record leaves substantial doubt that the proffered explanation sincerely accounts for the agency’s decision,” the ruling reads. “A thorough review of the record undercuts the conclusion that the defendants made a reasoned decision to eliminate the 5% safe harbor for wind and large-scale solar projects based on concerns about stockpiling.”
While significant, the decision — which was effective immediately — doesn’t change the Trump administration’s restrictions on using tax credits for projects made with Chinese imports. And Crux Climate, the tax credit marketplace, cautioned that few developers may be able to spring into action to seize on the ruling in the next 26 days before the rebates officially end.
New York State lawmakers passed a one-year moratorium on new data center construction that would pause permits on the facilities and require the state to create new rules on energy use, community investment, and labor standards for server farms. But News10, Albany’s ABC affiliate, warned that Governor Kathy Hochul, a Democrat, had not yet indicated whether she would sign the bill.
The move came as NBC News reported that Illinois Governor JB Pritzker, another Democrat, outlined plans to temporarily halt tax breaks to data centers ahead of a call to state lawmakers to come up with a new framework for how the facilities should be developed. The data center backlash, as Heatmap’s Robinson Meyer wrote, is becoming impossible to miss, with roughly 70% of Americans now opposing server farms built near their homes. More than 60% of Americans now support placing a moratorium on data center construction.

Desalination, as my colleague Katie Brigham put it in March, is “having a moment.” It’s not hard to see why. The San Diego County Water Authority is generating so much water from a desalination plant the utility opened a decade ago that it has not only ended its own shortfalls, it has produced a surplus. Now, as a result, the California city is poised to sell some of its rights to Colorado River water to Arizona and Nevada under the first large-scale deal to trade water between the states entitled a share of what flows through the nation’s fifth-longest river. The agreement highlights how desalination could “help parched inland states fill a widening gap between water supply and demand,” The New York Times reported.
It’s a welcome development. Just last week, experts told the Utah News Dispatch that the Colorado River’s largest reservoirs are approaching a “system crash.”
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New York’s Legislature might have backed its Democratic governor’s bid to weaken the state’s climate law, but Rhode Island is taking a different approach. Lawmakers in New England’s smallest state rejected Democratic Governor Dan McKee’s proposal to slash Rhode Island’s climate programs in the name of affordability. On Friday, E&E News reported that the state budget lawmakers advanced last week nixed the changes to clean energy policies.
In January, the United Kingdom, Norway, and several major European Union nations including Germany and Denmark agreed to a pact to build out a sweeping array of wind turbines in the North Sea, turning the waterway into “the world’s largest clean energy reservoir.” If the pledge holds, roughly 11% of the 222,000-square-mile sea could be covered in turbines. That’s the finding of a new study from Heriot-Watt University in Scotland. Under the current target, the North Sea would host a total of about 19,400 turbines by the middle of this century. By 2030, the U.K. alone is on track to have roughly 4,200 turbines, followed by Germany with about 2,700, and the Netherlands with 1,700, according to Renewables Now. The Dutch would claim the highest offshore wind density, with wind farms covering around 19% of its North Sea waters by 2050, followed by Belgium at 18%.

There’s been much ado about Chinese electric vehicles being built in Mexico. But on Sunday, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum unveiled the Olinia — a 100% domestically designed electric van that looks a bit like Toyota’s Kayoibako EV minivan. In a post on X, she proudly called it “the electric car created by young Mexican women and men.” The name harkens to the Nahuatl word for “movement.”
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Current conditions: After forming into Tropical Storm Bertha late Monday, the system is barreling toward the Florida Panhandle as it makes landfall as far west as Texas • In the Pacific, Hurricane Fausto has strength as it heads toward Hawaii but remains a Category 1 storm • Temperatures in Ouargla, Algeria’s southern city in the Sahara desert, are soaring to nearly 120 degrees Fahrenheit this week.
Emissions from the United States’ electrical sector spiked 4% last year as demand for power drove up generation from coal. That’s according to the latest annual assessment published Tuesday morning by the U.S. Energy Information Administration. The report, which has tracked annual emissions data from all power sources since 2010, found that U.S. energy-related carbon dioxide emissions increased by 2%, or about 115 million metric tons, in 2025. But the power sector specifically saw a surge of 4%, or 58 million metric tons, due to a spike in fossil fuel use. Coal-fired generation rose by 13%, even as natural gas-fired power fell 4%. Renewables helped avoid more coal use. While wind generation increased 3%, solar skyrocketed by 34%. Generation from all other sources — including nuclear and the category of “other renewables” that includes hydropower and geothermal — were essentially flat last year.
The coal surge isn’t unique to the U.S., as my colleague Matthew Zeitlin wrote last year. Worldwide, rising demand for electricity and shrinking supply of natural gas coming through the Strait of Hormuz made for a good year for coal.
Watershed, the software platform focused on corporate sustainability, just published what it called its first comprehensive open framework for estimating the greenhouse gas emissions from companies’ use of AI programs. The framework has three elements: A comprehensive system that includes all phases of a data center’s use, from model training to inference to hardware production; a function unit of kilograms of carbon dioxide equivalent per million tokens; and a three-tier calculation approach “that aligns with companies’ data quality.”
In a statement to my colleague Emily Pontecorvo, Watershed’s science chief John Bistline said he had “heard from companies that they’re already being asked about AI emissions from investors, from auditors, from regulators, and right now most of them are guessing. We wanted to give them something that was more defensible.”
Oil prices spiked again Tuesday after President Donald Trump publicly weighed taking “a nice big fat shot” at Iran’s Pickaxe Mountain, where Israeli intelligence suggests the Islamic Republic moved its uranium-enriching centrifuges last fall. Brent crude, the main European benchmark for the price per barrel of oil, rose nearly 3% to over $91. West Texas Intermediate, the U.S. price signal, saw a 3% hike to just nearly $85. Murban crude — out of the United Arab Emirates, therefore the most sensitive to Persian Gulf disruptions — soared nearly 5% to just under $86 per barrel.
Shakeups among smaller producers, meanwhile, appeared to cancel out each other’s effects on the market. The shot: Kazakhstan, which falls just outside the top 10 oil-producing nations, is halting crude shipments to the Russia ports it relied on to get its hydrocarbons to market now that Ukraine is consistently attacking the Kremlin’s energy infrastructure, according to the Financial Times. The chaser: Norway’s oil output just beat forecasts, per Oil Price.
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Unlike the last man Trump put in charge of the Environmental Protection Agency during his first term in office, Lee Zeldin hadn’t formally worked for the coal industry before serving in government. But the EPA administrator sure made it sound like the industry’s executives are high-priority constituents. At a National Coal Council event in Washington, D.C.’s Willard Hotel that E&E News covered, Zeldin said “many of the items that were on your wish list are now done.” In the coming months, he added, the agency would get to “the remainder of those items,” but said he wouldn’t “prejudge” any rulemaking outcomes. “Between now and your next meeting, I’m excited to be able to share with great optimism, hope, and enthusiasm that you all, again, not prejudging the outcome of any rulemaking, we’ll have a lot to celebrate the next time you all get together again in January,” Zeldin said. One thing the EPA can’t do: Keep the coal plants the Trump administration wants open actually running. As Matthew wrote last year, the big problem with aging coal stations is that they keep breaking down.
Mergers and acquisitions within the global nuclear industry totaled more than $7 billion in value in the first half of 2026, doubling that same figure from a year earlier. That’s according to new data the law firm White & Case LLP shared Tuesday with World Nuclear News. The number of individual deals increased 10%, from 40 to 44. “At the current pace of dealmaking activity, 2026 is set to surpass all years aside from 2024 when a record $29 billion of M&A activity was registered,” the law firm said. More proof that the nuclear dealmaking boom, as Heatmap’s Katie Brigham wrote last year, “is real.”
It’s not just automobiles going hybrid-electric. The startup Electra, which has promised to build a nine-passenger hybrid-electric plane that can take off in as little as 150 feet, is now pumping $850 million into its first aircraft factory in Ohio. The plant, announced Tuesday, will build up to 800 aircraft per year at full capacity. But as Electrek put it, “that’s a big commitment for a plane that hasn’t flown yet.”
Frontier model developers still keep their energy use largely a secret, but Watershed is proposing a new formula that will at least get you close.
With companies now rapidly adding artificial intelligence into their products and using it across their workstreams, it stands to reason that all that extra energy use might show up in their climate accounting. But to any business that wants to get a sense of how big its AI-related emissions footprint is becoming — and, god forbid, maybe even try to reduce it — I say well, good luck. AI providers mostly keep the data required to make such calculations a secret.
Now Watershed, a startup that helps companies track and estimate their carbon emissions, is proposing a workaround. The firm published a white paper on Wednesday laying out a method for companies to produce rough estimates of their carbon impact from AI, while also encouraging them to demand better data from AI developers.
“We’ve heard from companies that they’re already being asked about AI emissions from investors, from auditors, from regulators, and right now most of them are guessing,” John Bistline, Watershed’s head of science, told me. “We wanted to give them something that was more defensible.”
For most frontier AI models, including those developed by OpenAI and Anthropic, there’s very little information to work with. Google is the only proprietary AI developer that has published a transparent estimate of its model’s operational energy use and related emissions. In a paper last August, researchers at the company found that “the median Gemini apps text prompt consumes 0.24 watts,” which is “less energy than watching nine seconds of television,” and released 0.03 grams of CO2-equivalent. These numbers may be out of date by now, however. In the paper, the authors note that this already represented a 33-fold reduction in energy consumption compared to the previous year.
That’s one challenge with estimating AI-related emissions — tech companies are both growing and innovating rapidly, expanding their energy footprints while also finding greater efficiencies, which may be one reason they don’t disclose this information yet.
Another obstacle is that the exercise involves making a number of carbon accounting decisions, and there’s no consensus yet on best practices. For instance, where do you draw the line on which emissions to include? You could just look at the energy required to operate the model, or you could include the energy used to train the model, or even the emissions related to fabricating and manufacturing the hardware it’s running on. Training a model tends to be more energy-intensive than running it to respond to queries, but it only happens once. If you’re going to include training emissions, the next question is, how should responsibility for those be allotted across the lifetime of the model and its use by hundreds of thousands of customers?
Another decision is how to account for differences in user behavior. A model’s energy intensity can vary widely depending on whether the user is asking a simple question, requesting complex research, generating images, or dispatching agents to conduct multiple tasks simultaneously. Models capable of “reasoning” use an estimated 30 times more electricity than those without that ability, according to research by HuggingFace, a company that creates tools for AI developers. A per-prompt emissions average would not capture these differences, and therefore would not give companies actionable information to help them reduce their emissions.
A “per token” average might be more useful in that sense. When AI models process queries, they break the sentence or code down into smaller components called tokens. One token might be just the first few letters of a word. When the model generates a response, it also processes it in terms of tokens. Estimating emissions per token is not a perfect system either, however, since a token’s value can vary across AI providers. Input tokens, i.e. user questions, also tend to be less energy-intensive than output tokens, or user responses, and a single per-token average will conceal that difference.
Then there’s the question of how to get from a model’s energy intensity to an emissions estimate. Should you use the real-world average carbon intensity of the electric grid? What about any clean energy agreements the AI company may have signed? And how should you factor in companies that decide to bypass the grid entirely and build their own on-site generation, which tends to use natural gas?
The Watershed paper proposes some answers to these questions, and also offers guidance for how companies can develop emissions estimates based on the data available to them.
While most of the published research on AI emissions to date has calculated energy intensity on a per-query basis, Watershed advocates for a per-token approach. — i.e. “kilowatt-hours per thousand tokens.” The authors reason that electricity use scales more directly with the number of tokens used than the number of queries submitted. AI application customers are also often billed based on their token usage, so there’s a business case for tracking tokens and trying to use them more efficiently.
For those companies working with essentially zero data — not even the number of tokens they’re using per year — Watershed recommends they approximate their AI emissions using a “spend-based” method. This means simply multiplying the amount they spend per year on AI services by an emissions factor of 0.134 kilograms of carbon dioxide equivalent per U.S. dollar, which is based on U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis numbers for the data processing sector of the economy.
The Watershed paper concedes that whatever number this method spits out will be wrong, noting that it “can misestimate true AI emissions by several times in either direction,” and advising companies to treat this as a “provisional placeholder.” But publishing these numbers, even though they are wrong, could help push AI companies toward more transparency if they want to correct the record.
For companies that do track their token volumes, Watershed has a more rigorous solution. The paper proposes a formula companies can use to calculate their AI emissions, accounting not just for inference energy use, but also training emissions, embodied emissions of the data processing equipment, and a figure known as “power usage effectiveness.” This captures the energy consumed by cooling systems, power conversion, and other data center infrastructure that’s not directly serving AI processing. Since model-specific values for the various inputs to the formula are mostly not available today, Watershed has provided default values gathered from previous studies, including papers by Microsoft and Google. Companies can substitute the actual numbers disclosed by AI providers into the formula as that information becomes available.
I reached out to Google, Microsoft, Anthropic, and OpenAI to ask why they didn’t share token carbon intensity, and whether they planned to in the future. Only Microsoft responded to my inquiry, pointing me to its blog post and peer-reviewed paper estimating general AI energy use across frontier models.
To get the most accurate estimate, companies would also need to know where, geographically, their AI queries are being serviced, since emissions from the electric grid varies by region. In some cases, companies may be able to actually choose where their queries are being processed, offering another lever by which they could potentially reduce their emissions.
The right data, disclosed in sufficient detail, will unlock companies’ ability to reduce their AI-related emissions, Watershed argues. Employees would have more reason to choose the most appropriate model for a given task, for example, like avoiding using energy-intensive reasoning models for basic questions.
“I think about a John von Neumann test here,” Bistline said, referring to the mathematician and proto-computer scientist. “You wouldn’t ask an advanced model like Fable anything that you would be embarrassed to ask John von Neumann, or Marie Curie, right? You wouldn’t want to ask ‘how many R’s are there in Strawberry?’ or ‘which restaurants would you recommend I go to in Miami?’”
Of course, companies can already implement this recommendation today, but there will be no way to account for and prove that they are reducing their emissions as a result until AI providers disclose distinct model-based energy estimates.
As Bistline mentioned, this information isn’t just nice-to know — companies are already being asked for it. Upcoming regulations in California and the European Union will require large companies to disclose their total direct emissions, and will eventually require them to disclose indirect emissions like AI energy use. The EU’s AI Act will also require AI companies to disclose a breakdown of the energy consumption of its general purpose AI models.
“There are customer-side disclosure rules and provider-side ones developing in parallel,” Bistline said, “and right now there’s no agreed methodology connecting the two, which is the gap we’re trying to address with our AI emissions framework.”
Average U.S. gasoline prices have slipped back above $4 a gallon.
A decade ago, the Princeton economists Alan Blinder and Mark Watson published a paper about a fact that they called “not nearly as widely known as it should be”: The U.S. economy has done better under Democratic presidents than Republican presidents.
Blinder was not a completely impartial observer — he served on President Bill Clinton’s Council of Economic Advisers, and Clinton later appointed him vice chair of the Federal Reserve — but he and Watson compiled a lengthy list of statistics to back up their claim. The U.S. economy has grown faster, produced more jobs, had a lower unemployment rate, seen higher corporate profits and investment, and experienced better stock market performance under Democrats than Republicans. While the original paper described this divergence from 1947 to 2013, recent research has shown that it held through the subsequent Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations.
The only metric where the two parties come close is inflation, but Democrats still seem to have a tiny edge there, even after the Biden-era inflation.
Why? Blinder and Watson found that it didn’t entirely come down to timing. (Other observers have disputed this, arguing that Republicans tend to get elected at the peak of economic booms, while Democrats win during or just after recessions.) Instead, Blinder and Watson found that a few factors — oil shocks, productivity growth, a more favorable international growth environment, and perhaps better consumer confidence — could explain much of the divergence.
Of course, these factors can’t be entirely separated from a president’s record in office. Oil shocks, for example, tend to drag down global growth, which in turn slows the U.S. economy. And as Watson and Blinder write, some of those oil shocks “may have been induced by [American] foreign policy.” By that mechanism, presidential bellicosity in the Middle East can translate into poorer economic outcomes. This belligerence may even be, as the writer Matt Yglesias contended earlier this year, Republican presidents’ “worst economic policy.”
Why am I recounting all this? Because average U.S. gasoline prices have slipped back above $4 a gallon, according to AAA. (As I write, they stand at $4.01.) The collapse of the ceasefire with Iran — and President Trump’s inability to figure out how to end a war he started — are once again driving up fossil fuel prices.
The numbers add up. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth told Congress today that the Iran War has cost $37.5 billion so far, but according to a tracker from Brown University researchers, Americans have already paid nearly double that — $71 billion! — on more expensive gasoline and diesel fuel. A billion here, a billion there, and pretty soon you’re talking about real economic underperformance. That estimate suggests the burden of higher energy prices from the Iran War has wiped out the expected $65 billion consumer boost from the One Big Beautiful Bill Act’s expanded tax refunds.
Of course, from a decarbonization perspective, higher gas prices are good, in theory. They encourage people to drive less and to switch to more fuel-efficient — or even fully electrified — vehicles, reducing carbon emissions. (This is part of why I joke about Degrowth Donald, raising fuel prices as he goes.) But short-term oil shocks are the second worst kind of emissions reductions after recessions: They are unlikely to last; they will probably not lead to real decarbonization; and they produce a lot of human misery along the way.
Perhaps this oil spike won’t persist. Perhaps Trump will find a way out of the quagmiring conflict in the Persian Gulf. Perhaps Republican presidential underperformance really does all come down to luck, too. (Or maybe, as a 2020 paper argued, Democratic presidents benefit from a “pre-election growth surge” just before a Republican wins.) But I think it’s worth noting that the recent trickle of news — and the recent and less noticed surge in gas prices — is how an oil interruption results in slower growth overall. If oil shocks really are responsible for GOP presidential underperformance, this is what it would look like.
The irony is that technology finally exists to make the American transportation sector — and the overall economy — less dependent on oil. This technology was developed at the American public’s expense to help manage a scenario much like this one. And the administration has undermined it at almost every opportunity.