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Close your eyes and think of the American West. What do you see? The sandstone towers of Monument Valley. The dusty ruts of a wagon trail leading through a clapboard town. A cowboy on horseback.
Remove the horse and the mythic image of the American frontier collapses. But across the desert states — and in particular, in Arizona, the cinematic ideal of the West — extreme heat is making the land practically uninhabitable for horses. In 2018, nearly 200 mustangs were found dead near a dried-up water hole on the west side of the Navajo Nation, and now, with 18 consecutive 110-plus degree days in Phoenix and counting, longtime equestrians in the state are considering hitching up the trailer and moving to cooler climes.
“Tonight I think it gets down to 87, just for an hour, and then it goes back up,” Quincy Roxburgh, who moved to the region from the Sacramento area and owns four horses, told me late last week. “We don’t get that break from the heat [like you do in California]. I feel so bad for the horses. I’ve never dealt with anything like this.”
With an estimated $1.3 billion local equestrian industry, Phoenix has been described as a “horse mecca,” particularly when it comes to Arabians. Every year the city hosts the biggest Arabian horse gathering in the world, drawing more than 2,400 horses with some $3 million in prize money on the line. WestWorld, the fifth most-popular equestrian facility in the country, is located in nearby Scottsdale — “the West’s Most Western Town” — and has undergone a $56-million renovation that included the addition of climate-controlled stalls. Its outdoor arenas, though, still bake in the heat. You begin to understand why equestrian events don’t typically get scheduled for the Arizona summers.
But that doesn’t mean much for the horses that spend the year in corrals nearby. Like most mammals, horses pant; unlike most mammals, when panting becomes ineffective around 94 degrees, they’ll sweat, similar to humans. And horses are enthusiastic sweaters: A horse can produce a quarter of a liter of sweat per minute in order to cool itself down, Equus reports — that is, about the capacity of one large Nalgene water bottle in the time it takes you to pop a bag of popcorn.
This means horses face the same risk as people when the air is humid and the efficiency of evaporation slows down. “The thing that saves us [in Arizona] is the low humidity, typically,” Roxburgh said.
In addition to being champion sweaters, though, horses are four-legged space heaters. Because they’re so muscular (and muscles produce heat), horses warm up three to 10 times faster than people do, Michael Lindinger, an animal and exercise physiologist at the University of Guelph, has found. According to his research, just 17 minutes of “moderate intensity exercise in hot, humid weather” can put a horse in the danger zone.
Even eating and digesting can warm a horse up. “Arabians, your Spanish-bred horses — heavy, big-boned warmbloods — we call those ‘easy keepers,’” Catherine Enright of Sorum Veterinary Services, in Scottsdale, Arizona, explained to me. “Those have a propensity to have more risk of foundering in this heat than other equine breeds.”
Founder — a heat-related hoof condition that can require euthanasia in extreme cases and that Roxburgh said she’s “scared to death” of — can be induced by something as ordinary and horsey as eating grass. As Enright explained, “if you have grass pastures, which are very hard to come by in Arizona, we recommend that you only graze [your horses] at night or very, very early in the morning, and they come in before noon,” when the sugar in the grass is highest. Because of the way a horse’s metabolism works, “sugar, starch, carbs — those three ingredients are a death sentence to easy keepers in this heat.”
Enright additionally suggested not letting horses out during the day — and indeed many horsemen and women across the Valley of the Sun have been rising pre-dawn to exercise and feed their animals. She also suggestedputting up misters to help keep the horses cool. Roxburgh herself has invested in a large, SUV-sized swamp cooler for her horses, which she pointed out has the additional advantage of keeping her cool during barn chores.
But what about horses that don’t have access to tubs of water, misters, and even their own ACs?
The Phoenix area is home to some 430 wild horses that live along a river in the Tonto National Forest, on the northeastern outskirts of the city, beyond Scottsdale. That “wild” moniker is a bit of a contentious issue: The U.S. Forest Service claims the horses are “descended from … trespassing livestock” and thus they are not federally protected as “wild horses,” and the herd is instead overseen by a nonprofit, the Salt River Wild Horse Management Group, which contends the lineage goes back to the 18th century.
When I spoke to Simone Netherlands, the founder and president of the volunteer management group, I braced myself for the worst: horses without access to state-of-the-art barn misters dropping from the heat.
“I would say that the Salt River wild horses are the only ones not affected by the heat,” she told me instead.
In fact, her group is far more worried about keeping the rescue horses at its facilities cool. That’s because the Salt River herd “will stand in the middle of the river to cool off,” giving them enviable relief when the temperatures climb into the triple digits — “and so they’re the lucky ones.”
The way Netherlands tells it, it makes sense; the herd “evolved and learned to deal with the heat,” just like other desert animals do. The horses that can’t take Arizona’s seasonal extremes — like, say, the memorable 120-degree day last year that Netherlands, Roxburgh, and Enright all mentioned to me — are in theory weeded out, although Netherlands says they haven’t had a horse die from the heat since the monitoring group was established in 2015. Any culling was likely done generations ago: “That’s why we actually don’t have black horses in the Salt River herd, because they would not survive the heat,” she said.
Of course, not all horses are lucky enough to have a river flowing through their turf. Netherlands also told me that Arizona doesn’t have a law that specifically requires domestic horses be provided shade.
The heat is part of the myth of the West, too: The heat wave frying Phoneix has been called an endurance test, and it’s one many locals proudly embrace. “National media describe metro Phoenix’s string of 110-degree-plus days as if it were an apocalypse,” one recent editorial in the Arizona Republic boasted. “But we learned long ago how to adapt.” But unlike the wild horses, that adaptation involves easy access to AC, something that isn’t at the disposal of everyone, including outdoor domestic animals and the people who diligently labor — or were hired to labor — to take care of them.
And so, until the heat breaks, there will be more pre-dawn mornings, more calls to the overloaded vets, more barn misters to be installed. When saying farewell to Enright, I wished her, optimistically, cool days ahead. “Yeah,” she replied dryly. “There won’t be.”
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On the fallout from the LA fires, Trump’s tariffs, and Tesla’s sales slump
Current conditions: A record-breaking 4 feet of snow fell on the Japanese island of Hokkaido • Nearly 6.5 feet of rain has inundated northern Queensland in Australia since Saturday • Cold Arctic air will collide with warm air over central states today, creating dangerous thunderstorm conditions.
President Trump yesterday agreed to a month-long pause on across-the-board 25% tariffs on Canada and Mexico, but went ahead with an additional 10% tariff on Chinese imports. China retaliated with new levies on U.S. products including fuel – 15% for coal and liquefied natural gas, and 10% for crude oil – starting February 10. “Chinese firms are unlikely to sign new long-term contracts with proposed U.S. projects as long as trade tensions remain high,” notedBloomberg. “This is bad news for those American exporters that need to lock in buyers before securing necessary financing to begin construction.” Trump recently ended the Biden administration’s pause on LNG export permits. A December report from the Department of Energy found that China was likely to be the largest importer of U.S. LNG through 2050, and many entities in China had already signed contracts with U.S. export projects. Trump is expected to speak with Chinese President Xi Jinping this week.
Insurance firm State Farm is looking to hike insurance rates for homeowners in California by 22% after the devastating wildfires that tore through Los Angeles last month. The company, which is the largest insurer in California, sent a letter to the state’s insurance commissioner, asking for its immediate approval to increase home insurance by 22% for homeowners, 15% for tenants and renters, and 38% for “rental dwelling” in order to “help protect California’s fragile insurance market.” So far, the firm has received more than 8,700 claims and paid out more than $1 billion, but it expects to pay more. “Insurance will cost more for customers in California going forward because the risk is greater in California,” the company said yesterday. “Higher risks should pay more for insurance than lower risks.” A report out this week found that climate change is expected to shave $1.5 trillion off of U.S. home values by 2055 as insurance rates rise to account for the growing risk of extreme weather disasters.
A new report outlines pathways to decarbonizing the buildings sector, which produces about one-third of global emissions. The analysis, from the Energy Transitions Commission, proposes three main priorities that need to be tackled:
“This will require collaboration right across sector, between governments, industry bodies, and private companies,” said Stephen Hill, a sustainability and building performance expert at building design firm Arup. “We need to be ambitious, but if we get it right we can cut carbon, generate value for our economy, and improve people’s quality of life through action like improving living conditions and reducing fuel poverty.”
Energy Transitions Commission
Fracking executive Chris Wright was confirmed yesterday as the new Energy Secretary. Wright is the CEO of the oilfield services firm Liberty Energy (though he has said he plans to step down) and a major Republican donor. He has a history of climate denialism. “There is no climate crisis, and we’re not in the midst of an energy transition,” Wright said in a video posted to LinkedIn last year. Although during his confirmation hearings, he struck a different tone, avowing that climate change is happening and is caused by the combustion of hydrocarbons. He expressed enthusiasm for certain clean energy technologies, including next-generation geothermal and nuclear. Wright will be tasked with executing President Trump’s planned overhaul of U.S. energy policy, and expansion of domestic energy production. The Department of Energy has a $50 billion budget and is also in charge of maintaining the nation’s nuclear weapons stockpile.
A few new reports find Tesla is seeing sales drops in some key markets, possibly due to CEO Elon Musk’s push into politics. In California, Tesla registrations fell by about 12% last year, according to the California New Car Dealers Association, and the company’s EV market share in the state fell by 7.6%, while Kia, Hyundai, and Honda all made decent gains. “While high interest rates, tough competition, and the introduction of a restyled Model 3 sedan hurt the EV maker’s sales in California, the loss of business was likely exacerbated by Elon Musk’s involvement in the U.S. election,” Reutersreported. Tesla is also running into trouble across the pond, where Musk has been meddling in European politics, throwing his weight behind far-right parties. In the European Union, Tesla registrations fell 13% last year, but dropped 41% in Germany, the bloc’s biggest BEV market. Last month, Tesla registrations dropped by about 63% in France, 44% in Sweden, and 38% in Norway.
Researchers have developed a new variety of rice that has a higher crop yield than other varieties, but emits 70% less methane.
Artificial intelligence may extend coal’s useful life, but there’s no saving it.
Appearing by video connection to the global plutocrats assembled recently at Davos, Donald Trump interrupted a rambling answer to a question about liquefied natural gas to proclaim that he had come up with a solution to the energy demand of artificial intelligence (“I think it was largely my idea, because nobody thought this was possible”), which is to build power plants near data centers to power them. And a key part of the equation should be coal. “Nothing can destroy coal — not the weather, not a bomb — nothing,” he said. “But coal is very strong as a backup. It’s a great backup to have that facility, and it wouldn’t cost much more — more money. And we have more coal than anybody.”
There is some truth there — the United States does in fact have the largest coal reserves in the world — and AI may be offering something of a lifeline to the declining industry. But with Trump now talking about coal as a “backup,” it’s a reminder that he brings up the subject much less often than he used to. Even if coal will not be phased out as an electricity source quite as quickly as many had hoped or anticipated, Trump’s first-term promise to coal country will remain a broken one.
Yet in an unusual turn of events, the anticipated explosion of demand for electricity on its way over the next few years has led some utilities to scale back their existing plans to shutter coal-fired power plants, foreseeing that they’ll need every electron they can generate. Ironically, especially in Georgia, that need is driven by a boom in green manufacturing.
Nevertheless, coal’s decline is still remarkable. At the start of the 21st century, coal was the primary source of electricity generation in 32 states; now that number is down to 10 and dropping. As recently as 2007, coal accounted for half the country’s electricity; the figure is now 16%. Worldwide coal demand keeps increasing, mostly because of China and India. But here in the United States, the trajectory is only going in one direction.
Confronted with those facts, a politician could take one of two basic paths. The first is to make impossible promises to voters in coal country, telling them that the jobs that have disappeared will be brought back, their communities will be revitalized, and the dignity they feel they have lost will be returned.
That was the path Donald Trump took. He talked a lot about coal in 2016, making grand promises about the coal revival he would bring if elected. At a rally in West Virginia, he donned a hardhat, pretended to shovel some coal, and said, “For those miners, get ready, because you’re going to be working your asses off.” And in Trumpian style, if he couldn’t keep the promise, he’d just say he did. “The coal industry is back,” he said in 2018, a year which saw the second-most coal capacity retired in the country’s history to that point. “We’re putting our great coal miners back to work,” he said on the campaign trail in 2020, when the number of coal-producing mines in the U.S. declined by 18%.
When Trump took office in January 2017, there were just over 50,000 coal jobs left in the country after decades of decline. When he left office in 2021, the number was down to 38,000. The number is slightly higher today at around 43,000, but it’s still infinitesimal as a portion of the economy.
Trump’s failure to bring back coal jobs wasn’t because his affection for the fuel source was insincere. He certainly had as coal-friendly an administration as one could imagine; his second pick to run the Environmental Protection Agency was a coal lobbyist. But the triumvirate of forces that drove those job reductions — automation, emissions-limiting regulations, and competition from fracked natural gas — were irresistible.
The second path for a politician confronting the structural decline of coal is to take concrete steps to create new opportunities in coal country that offer people a better economic future. That was what the Biden administration tried to do. As part of its clean energy push, Biden put a particular focus on siting new projects in underserved communities, including in areas where coal still defines the culture even though the jobs are long gone. The administration also directed hundreds of millions of dollars in funding “to ensure former coal communities can take full advantage of the clean energy transition and continue their leading role in powering our nation,” in the words of then-Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm. Or as the Treasury Department put it, the administration was working “to strengthen the economies of coal communities and other areas that have experienced underinvestment in past decades.” These were real commitments, backed up by real dollars.
Today, the new Trump administration is committed to freezing, reversing, and clawing back as much of Biden’s clean energy agenda as it can. Whether that includes these investments in coal country remains to be seen.
There’s good reason to believe it will, however, both because of the antipathy Trump and his team hold for anything that has Biden’s fingerprints on it, and because Trump understands the fundamental truth of his political relationship to coal country: Its support for him is unshakeable, no matter the policy outcome.
Take just one example: Harlan County, Kentucky, site of the extraordinary 1976 documentary Harlan County, USA, which chronicled a strike by miners demanding fair wages and working conditions. Coal is still being mined in Harlan County, but as of 2023, only 577 people there were employed in the industry, or about one in every 19 working-age people in the county. It remains overwhelmingly white and overwhelmingly poor — and the voters there love Trump. He got 84.9% of the vote in 2016, 85.4% in 2020, and 87.7% in 2024.
It might be fair to ask what people in Harlan County and across coal country have to show for their support for the president. The absolute best he can offer them is that while coal will continue to decline under his presidency, it might decline a bit slower than it otherwise would have. Even if escalating electricity demand offers an opportunity for the coal industry, there’s little reason to believe it will reverse coal’s decline in America. At most it could flatten the curve, allowing some coal plants to remain in operation a few years longer than planned.
A future where coal is at most a miniscule part of America’s energy mix with a tiny labor force producing it seems inevitable. Most people in coal country understand that, as much as they might like it to be otherwise. If only their favorite politician would admit it to them — and commit to offering them more than fables — they could start building something better.
Companies, states, cities, and other entities with Energy Department contracts that had community benefit plans embedded in them have been ordered to stop all work.
Amidst the chaos surrounding President Trump’s pause on infrastructure and climate spending, another federal funding freeze is going very much under the radar, undermining energy and resilience projects across the U.S. and its territories.
Days after Trump took office, acting Energy Secretary Ingrid Kolb reportedly told DOE in a memo to suspend any work “requiring, using, or enforcing Community Benefit Plans, and requiring, using, or enforcing Justice40 requirements, conditions, or principles” in any loan or loan guarantee, any grant, any cost-sharing agreement or any “contracts, contract awards, or any other source of financial assistance.” The memo stipulated this would apply to “existing” awards, grants, contracts and other financial assistance, according to E&E News’ Hannah Northey, who first reported the document’s existence.
Justice40 was Biden’s signature environmental justice initiative. Community benefit plans were often used by Biden’s DOE to strengthen the potential benefits that projects could have on surrounding local economies and were seen as a vehicle for environmental justice. When we say often, we mean it: some high profile examples of these plans include those used for the Holtec Palisades nuclear plant restart in Michigan and the agency’s battery materials processing and recycling awards.
After Kolb’s edict went out, companies, states, cities, and other entities with DOE contracts that had community benefit plans embedded in them were ordered to stop all work, according to multiple letters to contract recipients reviewed by Heatmap News. “Recipients and subrecipients must cease any activities, including contracted activities, and stop incurring costs associated with DEI and CBP activities effective as of the date of this letter,” one letter reads, adding: “Costs incurred after the date of this letter will not be reimbursed.”
One such letter was posted by the University of Michigan research department in an advisory notice. The department’s website summarizes the letter as “directing the suspension” of all work tied to “any source of DOE funding” if it in any way involved “diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs,” as well as Justice40 requirements and community benefits plans.
These letters state companies and other entities with community benefit plans in their contracts or otherwise involved in their funding awards would be contacted by DOE to make “modifications” to their contracts. They only cite President Trump’s executive orders that purportedly address Diversity, Equity and Inclusion practices; they do not cite a much-debated Office of Management and Budget memo freezing all infrastructure law and Inflation Reduction Act spending, which has been challenged in federal court. It is altogether unclear if any outcome of the OMB memo litigation is even relevant to this other freeze.
We reached out to the Energy Department about these letters for comment on how many entities may be impacted and why they targeted community benefit plans. We will update this story if we hear back.
A lot is still murky about this situation. It is unclear how many entities have been impacted and the totality of the impacts may be unknown for a while, because a lot of these entities supposed to get money may want to keep fighting privately to, well, still get their money. It’s also hazy if all entities that received these letters are continuing to do any construction or preparatory work or other labor connected to their funding not tied to the community benefit planning, or just halting the funded labor altogether.
The blast radius from this freeze is hard to parse, said Matthew Tejada, a former EPA staffer who most recently served as the agency’s deputy assistant administrator for environmental justice under the Biden administration. Tejada, who now works for the advocacy group NRDC and remains connected to advocates in the environmental justice space, said he was very much aware of this separate freeze when he was first reached by Heatmap. But “unless you’re able to really have a network of information bottom up from the recipients, it’s a bit of a black box we’re operating around because we’re not going to get transparency and information from the administration.“
“Part of their obvious strategy here is to create enough confusion as possible to make defending as difficult as possible. But I’m fairly certain the community and various others here -- local governments, tribes -- will have plenty to say about cutting through that chaos to make sure the will of Congress and the outcomes of these programs and projects are delivered upon.” He believes that any attempts to modify these contract awards “on the pretext of canceling the contract[s] will in all likelihood meet a legal challenge.”
But the ripple effects of this other freeze are starting to surface in local news accounts.
According to the Erie Times-News, the city of Erie, Pennsylvania currently cannot access funding for a city-wide audit for home energy efficiency. And a big road improvement project in the Mariana Islands – a U.S. territory – was nearly derailed by the freeze, according to the news outlet Mariana’s Variety, which reported project developers are just going to try and move forward without the remaining money provided under contract.
We’ll have to wait and see the breadth of the impacts here and whether this freeze will produce its own legal or regulatory rollercoaster. Hang on tight.