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On the fall of a storied automative event.

I had high hopes for this year’s Detroit Auto Show. Open to the media last week and running through Sunday, the Big Three automakers’ premier event came hot on the heels of big announcements from GM, Ford, and Stellantis on their plans for bringing electric car chargers to the masses. With a new late summer slot in a renewed downtown Detroit, what better time could there be to showcase the exciting new models that could usher in our electric future?
But I was wrong. This year’s Detroit Auto Show was concerningly underwhelming. The Big Three only revealed four new models, down from the six it had said it planned to show off and about half of what it debuted last year. Three of the four models weren’t even really new. They were just revised versions of existing gas-powered models on sale: the Jeep Gladiator, Cadillac CT5, and the Ford F-150. The only all new model was the GMC Acadia, a gas powered mid-sized crossover.
It was a missed opportunity. Auto shows are important not because they serve journalists but because they serve the public. They’re one-stop shops where ordinary people, no matter how car-inclined, can get information on the entire automotive industry and interact with direct representatives of the automaker, not dealers. Regular citizens can ask questions and try vehicles without pretense.
Yet the Detroit Auto Show was desolate. An industry colleague described its central Huntington Place as an “empty bingo hall.” It was a far cry from, say, 2007 when the hall had nearly 50 new model debuts and concepts.
This isn’t (just) sour grapes. Examine this year’s auto show with a wide-angle lens and it becomes clear the Big Three are stunningly half-hearted about electrification.
Now, to be clear, there was some EV presence at the show — it was just minor. Attendees perusing the Detroit AutoMobili-D area of small vendors and startups could encounter plenty of noble ideas about batteries, charging, and automotive technology. They could also ride in aspirational cars like the Tesla Model S Plaid or GMC Hummer EV. But riding shotgun in a $100,000 EV rocketing to 60 MPH in less than three seconds is like being driven to school in a Ferrari. Cool experience, but how relevant is it to your life? In an ideal world, the Big Three would show off a fleet of reasonably priced EVs — or at least new concepts that suggest the electric future is just around the corner for everyone.
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But, they didn’t. Stellantis had the RAM 1500 REV EV pickup tucked away in a corner of its display. It showed off the Chrysler Airflow EV concept, but that model was canceled a few months ago. Ford had examples of the Mach-E and F-150 Lightning, but aside from a couple of special editions, there were no substantial changes to either model. The Chevrolet Equinox and Blazer EV were there, but they were unveiled a year ago and there was no news about either model. Instead, the two examples on the showroom floor were non-working preproduction models quarantined on top of plexiglass turntables not meant to be looked at too closely by the general public. If you were a consumer in search of a reasonably priced, compelling EV model, it’s clear that Detroit didn’t have much to offer.
That’s a striking contrast to what’s happening overseas. This month, both China’s Chengdu Motor Show and Germany’s IAA in Munich featured model debuts and concepts that previewed a more egalitarian EV future. Both shows had EVs across many price points, not just super expensive luxury cars and big trucks that cost well into the six-figure range. IAA had keynote speakers from big companies like Continental and LG that outlined their roles and promised innovation in the EV future.
Detroit had none of that.
This might be partly explained by auto shows’ increasing irrelevance. Even before the COVID pandemic, auto show attendance had been in decline as individual automakers preferred to atomize, opting for their own big, highly curated press events full of hand-picked journalists and influencers. For example, last year’s Paris Auto Show only had a handful of similarly irrelevant debuts. One of the biggest unveilings — that of Mercedes-Benz’s fully electric EQE SUV — wasn’t even affiliated with the show; it happened at the prestigious Musée Rodin, the night before the event’s official press days.
But here’s the thing: When the traditional automakers skipped Paris, someone else jumped in: Chinese automakers like BYD, Great Wall Motors, Leapmotor, and more. They stunned the Parisians, much to the chagrin of the Western automakers. These automakers came with fully realized EV model lines that felt impressive and undercut their European competitors.
The Detroit Big Three should count their stars that tariffs and an increasingly precarious geopolitical situation make Chinese vehicles unpalatable in the United States. Ordinary people are increasingly becoming EV curious, and they’re hungry for models beyond an oversized pickup truck or a hyper-expensive luxury sedan. The lack of new EV model debuts or even concepts tells the public that Detroit’s Big Three don’t have much to say about electrification for anyone that isn’t wealthy.
The Detroit Auto Show should be the crown jewel of the American auto industry. It should be a place where the Detroit area automotive giants can show off their latest tech, flashiest concepts, and newest models amid an ever-competitive automotive market. It should be where automakers vie for the public’s attention via innovation and technology. Instead, it was a boring show where executives tried to shake the impending threat of a labor strike. Where were our reasonably priced electric cars?
GM, Ford, and Stellantis claim that managing labor costs is imperative to investing in EVs. But given the lack of progress at the Detroit Auto Show, it seems like something else is going on.
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The two economic booms resemble each other somewhat. But data centers have a far more dire PR problem.
This is an edition of Heatmap Daily, an evening review of the day’s news written by our executive editor. Sign up for it here.
In Pennsylvania, the governor required data center developers to comply with new restrictions. Texas began its mandatory audit for grid-connected data centers. And Nebraska limited tax incentives for data centers and started a new task force.
In Wisconsin’s governor race, candidates began posturing over who will treat data centers the toughest; in Michigan’s Senate race, the GOP candidate Mike Rogers called for a statewide moratorium on them. A Politico analysis found that of the more than 100 campaign ads mentioning data centers this election, none have put the technology in a positive light.
It makes sense, then, that when Heatmap published its most recent polling on data centers — finding that 75% of Americans oppose their local development — it seemed to blow up. But there’s one aspect of that polling that I want to discuss here, because I think it has been underacknowledged.
It’s this: According to our polling, data centers are about as unpopular in urban areas as rural areas. They’re slightly less unpopular in the suburbs.
The differences in disapproval, to be clear, aren’t enormous. Local data center development is 63 points underwater in rural areas and 60 points underwater in urban areas. That’s close enough to our poll’s 2.3% margin of error that it may just be noise. Even in the suburbs, data center development is 58 points underwater — a small distinction.
But it represents a big shift from the political geography of recent decades, where cities and rural areas have tended to disagree profoundly over policy. Since the 2000 election or so, cities have elected Democrats, rural areas have picked Republicans, and then the parties have fought over the suburbs.
Data centers, however, appear to unite these two partisan bases against some of the country’s largest companies — and some of our political systems’ odder ducks. Heatmap’s polling earlier this year found that AI YIMBYs tend to be urban, largely Trump-voting men who are optimistic about technology. And in March, the Republican pollster Echelon Insights found that some of data centers’ biggest fans were MAGA Republicans with graduate degrees living in cities.
These results help explain why Republicans have suddenly turned on a dime against data centers: Their base has rejected it. As a political reporter friend put it to me, after looking at our data, you don’t want to be on the wrong side of a trend that’s uniting college-educated and non-college-educated Americans.
In trying to understand this transition, I’ve tried to think about other technologies that have undergone similar investment booms in recent American history. One oft-made comparison is fracking, which expanded quickly across the country in the 2010s. Many commentators — myself included — have suggested that data centers may follow fracking’s example, where blue states ban a new type of economic activity and red states welcome it. The red (and sometimes purple) states then get to reap much of the resulting economic growth — and the tax receipts — while everyone has to deal with the emissions. The revelation that data centers are driving a new natural gas boom only deepens the link.
But there’s one big problem with that analogy: Fracking was never this unpopular. While fracking has rarely commanded a large majority of support among the mass public, its popular nadir came in spring 2020, when 60% of Americans told Pew that they opposed an expansion of fracking. (Its popularity began to recover after President Biden took office — a classic case of thermostatic public opinion.)
In every poll that we could find at Heatmap, too, expanding fracking always commanded a majority of Republican support. Throughout the 2010s and 2020s, rank-and-file Republicans have wanted to “drill, baby, drill.” But they don’t seem to want to “compute, baby, compute.” And that means — among other things — energy and climate analysts like me need to find another analogy.
Temperatures are high, but electricity drama is low.
The Texas summer isn’t over — highs today are forecasted to be at or above 100 degrees Fahrenheit in much of the state — but so far the state’s grid has held up.
In the past month or so, Texas’ grid has hit a number of generation records, according to data collected by Grid Status. Those include its highest load ever (91,308 megawatts on July 22), its highest level of renewables generation (53,000 megawatts on August 13), maximum wind output (29,000 megawatts on June 29) and, most notably, its maximum battery discharge (some 13,256 megawatts earlier this week, on August 23, at 7:45 p.m.).
And all the while, the grid has been stable, which is by no means guaranteed in Texas.
The state’s grid operator, ERCOT, has not issued a single “conservation appeal” so far this summer, asking Texans to voluntarily reduce electricity consumption to support the grid. By contrast, in 2023, the grid manager issued six between August 24 and August 30.
Those conservation appeals were almost always given for the late afternoon and early evening, when demand typically peaks thanks to demand from workers returning home and cranking up their air conditioning. That’s also when the grid has to ramp up dispatchable resources quickly to compensate for solar falling off the grid as the sun sets.
“We’re really seeing peak demand divorced from peak prices,” Joshua Rhodes, research scientist at the University of Texas, told me. This means that when demand is at its highest on a summer day — say around 4 p.m. this past Monday, when load was over 90 gigawatts — real-time prices were about $46 per megawatt-hour, according to Grid Status. At that time, natural gas made up about 42% of the grid and solar 36%. Compare that to the same time in 2023, when real-time prices were $85 per megawatt-hour during peak usage times and wind and solar combined made up around 20% of the grid.
As Abby Lestina, principal market analyst at Grid Status, put it to me, “The lack of pricing action would lead to the conclusion that the grid is more stable.”
Another positive side effect of that stability is that batteries on the system can still charge even when demand is at its highest, and then discharge in the evening to help make up for lost solar. “Even when we were setting peak demand records, we’re still on net charging batteries, which at first blush feels so wrong,” Rhodes told me. “We have so much solar on the system that we’re charging batteries when prices are low, getting ready to discharge as the sun goes down before the wind picks back up.”
Let’s take Monday as an example again: At 7:50 p.m., when solar was down to just 1.5% of the mix on the grid, batteries were discharging 11,573 megawatts and real-time prices were around $125 per-megawatt-hour. On the same Monday of 2023, real-time prices at 7:50 p.m. were bouncing up and down from just below the statutory peak of $5,000 per megawatt hour and batteries were putting out just over a gigawatt.
“Because we have so much battery capacity online, it hasn’t been all that exciting,” Olivier Beaufils, head of US central at Aurora Energy Advisors, told me, referring to the hand-off from solar to batteries. “The price action, it’s like 150 bucks, not thousands, and that’s really because of this battery capacity.”
Texas is also aided by friendly geography — there are extensive solar projects in the western part of the state, while the load is largely in the Texas Triangle in the eastern part of the state, giving solar panels an extra hour or so to serve high demand later in the day.
Average electricity bills in Texas, an energy-hungry state, sat at $252 a month in July, according to Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub, up just 2.3% in the past year, while rates are virtually unchanged at 16 cents per kilowatt-hour.
Along with California’s CAISO, ERCOT dominates battery deployment in the United States. According to the energy consulting firm GridLab, “ERCOT alone has deployed nearly 10 times more storage than PJM, MISO, SPP, and the Southeast combined.”
If anything, Texas’ solar and grid battery industries have been a victim of their own success. In Texas, where battery projects are brought online by investors seeking profits in the energy markets, generators make money by selling when prices are high. The same lower prices that show batteries are making the grid more stable are also revenues that battery operators are no longer getting.
“We’ve added so much battery capacity that they’ve cannibalized, they’ve eaten their own lunch,” Beaufils told me. “The situation’s a bit difficult for those operators.” California’s battery storage sector, by contrast, originated with a state mandate for utilities, jumpstarting the industry by force.
Of course, these types of cycles are nothing new to the energy business, especially in Texas.
“ERCOT’s characterized by these boom-bust cycles, and so the market’s never perfectly going to be in a supply-demand equilibrium,” Kevin Lee, head of advisory services for the central U.S. at Aurora Energy Research, told me. “Sometimes you have a little bit less capacity than you need, sometimes a little bit more. But generally, whenever you have a little bit less, the price signals go up, and then that’s driving more investment.”
While Texas still leads the country in battery additions so far this year, other states besides California are beginning to catch up, including Arizona. Thankfully, there’s still more sun yet to store.
Voltpost announced two new models today designed to mount on walls and ceilings.
Voltpost, the company putting electric vehicle chargers on lampposts, is now expanding to parking garages.
On Wednesday, the company unveiled two new configurations that can attach to the walls and ceilings of parking garages, lots, and other locations without easy access to streetlights or utility poles. Like Voltpost’s signature pole-mounted design, the ceiling- and wall-mounted options avoid the expensive construction work required by freestanding charging infrastructure. In theory at least, that should allow the company to deploy more chargers faster.
“Our mission has always been to decarbonize mobility by democratizing charging access,” Jeff Prosserman, Voltpost’s co-founder and CEO, told me. “And the real value proposition is that, when you can leverage the existing infrastructure, you can significantly reduce the cost, the timeline, and the physical footprint of chargers.”
The second Trump administration hasn’t made things easy. Almost immediately after taking office, Trump officials began slashing Biden-era programs designed to support the EV charging buildout, including the National Electric Vehicle Infrastructure and Charging and Fueling Infrastructure programs. Along with a handful of environmental groups, 17 states sued in May of last year to force the federal government to release NEVI funding and quickly received a preliminary injunction unfreezing the program. A similar group sued in December over the CFI funding, and though that case is still pending, Prosserman told me he expects to see a positive resolution before the end of the year.
Though the death of the EV tax credit has shrunk its addressable market, Voltpost has emerged relatively unscathed. “Honestly, that doesn’t really impact us at all,” Prosserman told Heatmap’s Katie Brigham last year. “At the end of the day, EV adoption will either increase X or Y percent in a given year, but it’s going to continue to increase year over year. We’re past the tipping point, going from early adopters into the mainstream.”
That said, he also told Katie that the company was taking a “more conservative approach” to growth as climate tech investment dried up. Voltpost itself also received several federal grants that are still in limbo. Instead, the company focused on its strategic partnerships with the likes of AT&T and Zipcar, and in July signed an agreement with InCharge Energy to handle installation and maintenance. To date, Voltpost’s funders include RWE Energy Transition Investments, a private equity vehicle within German energy giant RWE, alongside Twynam Funds Management, Exelon Foundation, Good News Ventures, and Climate Capital.
Like its lamppost chargers, Voltpost’s wall- and ceiling-mount kits work with Tesla and non-Tesla vehicles alike, and come with demand management software that responds to electricity time-of-use price signals to enable cheaper charging where and when possible. As for the cost of the kits and how many the company plans to install initially, Prosserman wouldn’t say.
Since deploying its first lamppost chargers in New York in 2024, Voltpost has expanded into California, Massachusetts, and Washington, D.C., among other states. It has more than 100 deployments in the pipeline through the end of this year, and is aiming for 10,000 by 2030. The point, Prosserman told me, is not to stand out in these communities, but rather to fit in.
“It’s not going to be just about greenfield project development if we’re going to decarbonize a planet across all aspects,” Prosserman said. “We’re really looking at building something that’s integrated, that fits in the fabric of the built environment and communities.”