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Americans want a variety ... of crossovers.

America’s electric car market has a new champion. The automaking alliance of Hyundai Motor Group and Kia Motors is now the second biggest seller of electric cars in the United States, according to new data released last week by Bloomberg BNEF.
The two companies sold more than 117,000 electric vehicles in the United States last year, or about 8% of all new EVs nationwide, according to the research firm. Only Tesla, the industry’s longtime leader, sold more electric cars: It still commands about half of U.S. market share.
The two companies’ success is an encouraging sign in what was more broadly a weird year for the EV market. Scarcely more than a year ago, the public’s demand for electric cars overwhelmed available inventory, and dealers were selling every EV they could get their hands on.
But as gas prices have fallen, the growth in EV sales in the United States has slowed, and the market has gotten more uneven. Tesla, looking to shore up its market position, launched a price war last year that juiced sales but cut deep into its profits. Ford and General Motors, meanwhile, are suffering anemic sales and cutting back on their short-term EV plans.
Amid this patchy landscape, Hyundai and Kia’s growth stands out. While the two companies are technically independent, Hyundai owns about a third of Kia Motors, and they collaborate on vehicle design, engineering, and manufacturing. They also use the same vehicle “platforms,” a common set of parts that can be used across models.
Since the news came out last week, I’ve seen climate people on Twitter and elsewhere try to explain why it’s happening. Many of these explanations conform to the views that the urban, progressive climate commentariat already hold about the car market. Look, Hyundai and Kia are winning because they’re making smaller cars, not behemoth SUVs.
But the answer, while not quite the opposite, doesn’t line up with what many might wish. In fact, Hyundai and Kia are dominating the EV market right now by churning out a mostly unbroken stream of crossover and SUVs. All but one of their electric cars qualifies as an SUV or crossover; all of their plug-in hybrids are SUVs. It is this commitment to repetition — to giving the consumer a lot of choices on a central theme — that sets their product lines apart right now.
You can see the importance of this by looking at their models in more depth. Take the Hyundai Ioniq 5 and the Kia EV6, for instance, which have led EV sales at the two brands and which are built on the same platform. Each is an electrified take on the type of car that, for years now, Americans haven’t been able to get enough of: the compact crossover SUV. The Ioniq 5 and EV6 each have two rows of seating and 25 cubic feet of trunk space. They drive more or less like a car, sit high on the road like an SUV, and fall in the broad category of cars that — as a friend’s wife puts it — looks like a fist with its thumb stuck out.
The Ioniq 5 and EV6 are also really, really similar to the Mustang Mach E, Ford’s attempt at an electric crossover. In fact, if you look only at specs, they’re basically the same car. All three have the same length and width and take up about 95 square feet of road space. All three have five seats. All three have roughly the same size trunk, although the Ford’s is maybe slightly bigger. And all three have an entry-level model starting at about $42,000 — although the lowest trim Ford has slightly more range and horsepower, and costs about a grand more.
As you might expect from those specs, the Mach E narrowly outsold the Ioniq 5 and EV6 in the United States last year. Ford sold more than 40,000 Mach Es in 2023, while Hyundai moved nearly 34,000 Ioniq 5s and Kia sold 19,000 EV6s. But here’s the thing: The Mach E did not outsell the Ioniq 5 and EV6 combined. And unlike Ford, which only sells one electric SUV, Hyundai and Kia continued to flood the zone with SUV options for consumers.
How many options? Hyundai sold plug-in versions of its Tuscon and Santa Fe SUVs. Kia sold an electric version of its subcompact Niro SUV and a plug-in hybrid version of its Sportage SUV. And even though Kia only started selling its new three-row SUV, the EV9, in December, it had already delivered more than 1,000 of them by the end of the year.
In fact, only one electric car from Hyundai-Kia — the new Ioniq 6 — was designed like a traditional sedan. But it made up only around 8% of the alliance’s total sales. Hyundai and Kia achieved their commanding position by giving Americans what they want: a seemingly endless stream of SUVs and crossovers.
Now, it matters here that Kia and Hyundai are two different companies, so there is some automatic duplication in their product lines. It might never make sense for Ford or GM to sell cars as similar as the EV6 and Ioniq 5. But if we’re being honest, their SUV lineups are already pretty duplicative: Do most consumers understand the difference between a Ford Edge and a Ford Escape? There’s no reason Ford couldn’t add an Escape EV to its lineup — something a little smaller and a little cheaper. That’s exactly what Kia does with the EV Niro, after all.
It helps, too, that lots of Kia and Hyundai’s cars look like great deals for consumers. Many of their key offerings hover in the high $30,000s to mid $40,000s, seemingly the sweet spot for new family cars today. Even though Hyundai and Kia’s cars don’t qualify for the new EV tax credit, Americans can use the $7,500 federal tax credit if they lease a vehicle instead.
Hyundai especially has used this credit — and a creative mix of rebates and low-interest-rate offers — to bring down the monthly payment for consumers. (Nearly half of new Ioniq 5s are leased, according to BNEF, which is a much higher rate than normal for Hyundai’s cars.)
Finally, it helps that Kia and especially Hyundai are making more interesting-looking vehicles than any other automaker right now. Compared to the staid peoplemover that is, say, the Volkswagen ID.4, the Ioniq 5 is striking, novel, and seems to push EV design forward. Its pixelated taillights are unlike anything else on the road, and it’s an extremely charismatic vehicle to drive; it’s just a better product, overall, than other cars out there.
And that might be the most important lesson behind Hyundai and Kia’s success. For the past few decades, decarbonization advocates have gotten used to thinking about electric cars primarily as a market abstraction: Are they cheap? Are they available? Are they growing as a sector? But as the EV transition continues, we are going to have to think about them more as products, as specific tools that can improve someone’s life by their presence. The EV companies that ultimately win will make better products than their competitors — cars that bring together capability, design, and price in a special way. Right now, Hyundai and Kia are pushing to the front of that race.
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Current conditions: A series of tornadoes has flattened entire neighborhoods in central and southern Mississippi, causing what one pastor called “just total devastation” • The heat index across the northern half of the Philippines’ main island of Luzon could feel as high as 122 degrees Fahrenheit, raising the risk of heat stroke • There will be some hot moms in Phoenix this weekend when temperatures in Arizona’s sprawling capital top 108 degrees on Mother’s Day.
President Donald Trump’s attempts to kill the offshore wind industry through regulatory fiat have largely failed to hold up in court. But as the administration finds new success in paying off developers to abandon ocean leases for seaward turbines, it’s attempting the original playbook now on the onshore wind sector, holding up more than 150 projects by refusing to give out once-routine approvals from the Department of Defense. That includes projects that are nowhere near military bases or defense-related infrastructure, and comes despite the fact that U.S. policymakers across the political spectrum agree we need to bring as much new power online as quickly as we can to meet booming demand from data centers and electrification. “This is the strategy for how you kill an industry while losing every case: just keep coming at the industry,” an energy lawyer told Heatmap’s Jael Holzman. “Create an uninvestable climate and let the chips fall where they may.” In other words: The bombardments may fail, but the siege can win..
When French energy giant TotalEnergies became the first offshore wind developer to take up Trump on his offer of $1 billion to abandon two projects back in March, the administration’s effort to kill off an industry Trump has personally opposed since long before he gained political power seemed to finally be catching a foothold following a series of legal retreats. By April, however, blowback to the deal had started building. Reporting from Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo found that the U.S. government’s agreement with Total didn’t actually mandate any new investments in fossil fuels, as the administration strongly implied, and that and that the payment may not have actually met the requirements to be drawn from a federal coffer designed to fund legal settlements. Shortly afterward, House Democrats announced plans to investigate Total’s contract with the government. This week, California regulators launched their own probe into one of two new developments that took up Trump’s offer, a floating offshore wind project that was set to be the first such project on the West Coast. Now one of the largest U.S. pension funds is reconsidering its stake in Total. Citing “significant concerns” over Total’s decision to cancel its two offshore wind leases and double down on fossil fuels, the New York State Common Retirement Fund said it would evaluate selling the $1.6 million stake in the company.
In a letter to Total CEO Patrick Pouyanné that the Financial Times reviewed, Thomas DiNapoli, the New York State comptroller and trustee of the retirement fund, said: “As the fund continually evaluates companies based on credible transition plans, portfolio companies’ backtracking may impact the fund’s risk assessment results and proxy voting decisions.” While “TotalEnergies had sought to be a leader in [the] energy transition,” he added, “now investors are left scratching their heads over how the board came to this decision to abandon that strategy and what it means for the future of the company and our stake in it.” In Total’s home country, the picture for offshore wind looks quite different. While Paris remains committed to expanding its world-leading nuclear fleet, a new floating offshore wind farm off France just started pumping electricity onto the grid.
Occidental Petroleum has once again pushed back the opening of the world’s largest carbon removal facility, with executives warning that they’re uncertain how quickly the delay can be resolved. Construction on the direct air capture megaproject in West Texas, known as Stratos, has been mostly complete for months. Last August, the company revised the start date to the end of the year. In February, Occidental said the operations would begin by the second quarter of this year. But in its first-quarter earnings call Wednesday, Richard Jackson, Occidental’s chief operating officer, who will take over for CEO Vicki Hollub when she retires at the end of this month, told analysts “the technology and process unit operations performed as expected.” He said the company had “identified an issue related to non-process components of the facility, unrelated to the technology” and was “currently evaluating the repair timeline and assessing the impact on the operations schedule,” according to Occidental’s official transcript of his remarks. When I emailed the company to ask for more details on what issues and specific components are holding up the project, a spokesperson responded: “We have nothing to offer beyond what Richard said that it’s non-process and we’ll provide an update next quarter.”
Make no mistake, it’s not all doom and gloom for DAC. Colorado and Wyoming this week signed an agreement to work together on carbon storage infrastructure. And a major breakthrough in Kenya “signals a new era” for geological storage of carbon dioxide, so heralded the Carbon Herald.
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The United States has expanded its sanctions on Cuba, forcing the Canadian miner that had been the Caribbean nation’s biggest foreign investor to flee as the Trump administration ramps up its effort to topple the 67-year-old communist regime and reassert Washington’s suzerainty over the island just 90 miles south of Florida. The new sanctions on Thursday, which came days after Trump broadened the U.S. embargo on Cuba, sent the price of shares in Canada’s Sherritt International Corporation tumbling 41% by the time the market closed in North America. For the past 32 years, the company has operated a nickel and cobalt mining operation on the island, providing one of Cuba’s few commercial lifelines into the global economy. While Sherritt said it had not yet been designated for sanctions, a listing “could occur at any time,” the company warned, and banks and other vendors might be “unable or unwilling” to keep supplying the firm. “In any event, the mere issuance of the executive order itself creates conditions that materially alter the corporation’s ability to operate in the ordinary course, including activities related to Sherritt’s Cuban joint venture operations,” Sherritt said in a statement on its website. “This is a massive blow to an already sinking economy,” Ricardo Torres, a leading Cuban-born economist at the American University in Washington, told the Financial Times.
The internal combustion engine is still the profit motor for Volkswagen. But when the world’s second-largest automaker reported its first-quarter earnings last week, the company said its latest electric vehicles are up to 80% as profitable as gasoline-powered alternatives. That’s according to a nugget InsideEVs highlighted this week from the investor update. Once Volkswagen launches its newest modular blueprint for its electric vehicle offerings — known internally as the Scalable Systems Platform, or SSP — the margins are expected to align more closely, said Arno Antlitz, the German auto giant’s chief financial officer. “We expect the margin to be fully comparable only with our future SSP platform,” he said.
Things are looking sunnier for what has long been the weakest sector of the American solar industry. SEG Solar, a Houston-based manufacturer, has announced plans to add 4 gigawatts of module production capacity to its factory in Texas’ largest city, creating a 6-gigawatt facility. The move comes as Elon Musk has vowed to dramatically scale up Tesla’s solar manufacturing capacity and First Solar builds its own 4-gigawatt facility.
And more of the week’s top news around development conflicts.
1. Benton County, Washington – The bellwether for Trump’s apparent freeze on new wind might just be a single project in Washington State: the Horse Heaven wind farm.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – The big data center fight of the week was the Kevin O’Leary-backed project in the middle of the Utah desert. But what actually happened?
3. Durham County, North Carolina – While the Shark Tank data center sucked up media oxygen, a more consequential fight for digital infrastructure is roiling in one of the largest cities in the Tar Heel State.
4. Richland County, Ohio – We close Hotspots on the longshot bid to overturn a renewable energy ban in this deeply MAGA county, which predictably failed.
A conversation with Nick Loris of C3 Solutions
This week’s conversation is with Nick Loris, head of the conservative policy organization C3 Solutions. I wanted to chat with Loris about how he and others in the so-called “eco right” are approaching the data center boom. For years, groups like C3 have occupied a mercurial, influential space in energy policy – their ideas and proposals can filter out into Congress and state legislation while shaping the perspectives of Republican politicians who want to seem on the cutting edge of energy and the environment. That’s why I took note when in late April, Loris and other right-wing energy wonks dropped a set of “consumer-first” proposals on transmission permitting reform geared toward addressing energy demand rising from data center development. So I’m glad Loris was available to lay out his thoughts with me for the newsletter this week.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
How is the eco right approaching permitting reform in the data center boom?
I would say the eco-right broadly speaking is thinking of the data center and load growth broadly as a tremendous and very real opportunity to advance permitting and regulatory reforms at the federal and state level that would enable the generation and linear infrastructure – transmission lines or pipelines – to meet the demand we’re going to see. Not just for hyperscalers and data centers but the needs of the economy. It also sees this as an opportunity to advance tech-neutral reforms where if it makes sense for data centers to get power from virtual power plants, solar, and storage, natural gas, or co-locate and invest in an advanced reactor, all options should be on the table. Fundamentally speaking, if data centers are going to pay for that infrastructure, it brings even greater opportunity to reduce the cost of these technologies. Data centers being a first mover and needing the power as fast as possible could be really helpful for taking that step to get technologies that have a price premium, too.
When it comes to permitting, how important is permitting with respect to “speed-to-power”? What ideas do you support given the rush to build, keeping in mind the environmental protection aspect?
You don’t build without sufficient protections to air quality, water quality, public health, and safety in that regard.
Where I see the fundamental need for permitting reform is, take a look at all the environmental statutes at the federal level and analyze where they’re needing an update and modernization to maintain rigorous environmental standards but build at a more efficient pace. I know the National Environmental Policy Act and the House bill, the SPEED Act, have gotten lots of attention and deservedly so. But also it’s taking a look at things like the Clean Water Act, when states can abuse authority to block pipelines or transmission lines, or the Endangered Species Act, where litigation can drag on for a lot of these projects.
Are there any examples out there of your ideal permitting preferences, prioritizing speed-to-power while protecting the environment? Or is this all so new we’re still in the idea phase?
It’s a little bit of both. For example, there are some states with what’s called a permit-by-rule system. That means you get the permit as long as you meet the environmental standards in place. You have to be in compliance with all the environmental laws on the books but they’ll let them do this as long as they’re monitored, making sure the compliance is legitimate.
One of the structural challenges with some state laws and federal laws is they’re more procedural statutes and a mother may I? approach to permitting. Other statutes just say they’ll enforce rules and regulations on the books but just let companies build projects. Then look at a state like Texas, where they allow more permits rather quickly for all kinds of energy projects. They’ve been pretty efficient at building everything from solar and storage to oil and gas operations.
I think there’s just many different models. Are we early in the stages? There’s a tremendous amount of ideas and opportunities out there. Everything from speeding up interconnection queues to consumer regulated electricity, which is kind of a bring-your-own-power type of solution where companies don’t have to answer or respond to utilities.
It sounds like from your perspective you want to see a permitting pace that allows speed-to-power while protecting the environment.
Yeah, that’s correct. I mean, in the case of a natural gas turbine, if they’re in compliance with the regulations at the state and federal level I don’t have an issue with that. I more so have an issue if they’re disregarding rules at the federal or state level.
We know data centers can be built quickly and we know energy infrastructure cannot. I don’t know if they’ll ever get on par with one another but I do think there are tremendous opportunities to make those processes more efficient. Not just for data centers but to address the cost concerns Americans are seeing across the board.
Do you think the data center boom is going to lead to lots more permitting reform being enacted? Or will the backlash to new projects stop all that?
I think the fundamental driver of permitting reform will be higher energy prices and we’ll need more supply to have more reliability. You just saw NERC put out a level 3 warning about the stability of the grid, driven by data centers. People really pay attention to this when prices are rising.
Will data centers help or hurt the cause? I think that remains to be seen. If there’s opportunities for data centers to pay for infrastructure, including what they’re using, there are areas where projects have been good partners in communities. If they’re the ones taking the opportunity to invest, and they can ensure ratepayers won’t be footing the bill for the power infrastructure, I think they’ll be more of an asset for permitting reform than a harm.
The general public angst against data centers is – trying to think of the right word here – a visceral reaction. It snowballed on itself. Hopefully there’s a bit of an opportunity for a reset and broader understanding of what legitimate concerns are and where we can have better education.
And I’m certainly not shilling for the data centers. I’m here to say they can be good partners and allies in meeting our energy needs.
I’m wondering from your vantage point, what are you hearing from the companies themselves? Is it about a need to build faster? What are they telling you about the backlash to their projects?
When I talk to industry, speed-to-power has been their number one two and three concern. That is slightly shifting because of the growing angst about data centers. Even a few years ago, when developers were engaging with state legislatures, they were hearing more questions than answers. But it’s mostly about how companies can connect to the grid as fast as possible, or whether they can co-locate energy.
Okay, but going back to what you just said about the backlash here. As this becomes more salient, including in Republican circles, is the trendline for the eco-right getting things built faster or tackling these concerns head on?
To me it's a yes, and.
I would broaden this out to be not just the eco right but also Abundance progressives, Abundance conservatives, and libertarians. We need to address these issues head on – with better education, better community engagement. Make sure people know what is getting built. I mean, the Abundance movement as a whole is trying to address those systemic problems.
It’s also an opportunity for the necessary policy reform that has plagued energy development in the U.S. for decades. I see this from an eco right perspective and an abundance progressive perspective that it's an opportunity to say why energy development matters. For families, for the entire U.S. energy economy, and for these hyperscalers.
But if you don’t win in the court of public opinion, none of this is going to matter. We do need to listen to the communities. It’s not an either or here.