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Economy

No Clean Energy Company Is Safe From Tariffs

For a while First Solar looked like a “Liberation Day” winner. Now its first quarter results suggest otherwise.

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Donald Trump.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

When Donald Trump unveiled his now-infamous chart of “reciprocal” tariffs, most of the stock market shuddered — but there were a few exceptions, including the American solar manufacturer First Solar. While the market in the days following “Liberation Day” was on a hunt and destroy mission for stocks of renewables companies known to be heavily exposed to Asia or independent power producers, First Solar stayed roughly flat.

It’s not flat anymore. The company reported first quarter earnings on Tuesday that were short of analysts’ expectations and lowered its expected revenue and profit for the rest of the year citing disruptions from tariffs. The stock has fallen more than 9% on Wednesday, and is down a third so far this year.

“While FSLR” — a.k.a. First Solar — “is the US solar manufacturing bellwether, they are not immune to the far-reaching tariff environment,” Andrew Perocco, a Morgan Stanley analyst, wrote in a note to clients. He also estimated that almost half of First Solar’s manufacturing capacity is in Asia.

The company’s sobering results and warnings about how tariffs could affect their business is a sign that the entire green energy business is likely at risk from uncertain trade policy, even the companies thought to be insulated.

First Solar and other companies’ tariff-affected financial results also show that the Inflation Reduction Act has only been partially successful at boosting American production of green energy technology, and that the country’s green industries are still deeply intertwined with Asian and Chinese production.

“We had been expecting negative effects from tariffs for First Solar, but the impact was greater than we expected,” Brett Castelli, an analyst at Morningstar, wrote in a note to clients.

First Solar chief executive Mark Widmar said that the uncertainty about the reciprocal tariffs — set to back into effect in July absent new trade deals — “has created a challenge to quantifying the precise tariff rate that would be applied to our module shipments into and beyond the second half of this year.”

Widmar said the company expects to move its manufacturing facility in India “away from exports to the U.S.,” and instead will have it produce solar panels for the domestic Indian market. Its factories in Malaysia and Vietnam may see reduced production due to “potentially reduced U.S. demand environment for non-domestic product.”

Widmar also called out the ever-evolving policy around Chinese solar imports into the United States. Solar panels from China itself, as well as four Southeast Asian nations face punitive import duties as high as 3,521% after the federal government determined Chinese companies were “dumping” panels on the U.S. market and trying to circumvent tariffs by moving production to neighboring countries. Widmar said there had been a “surge” of cells and modules from Laos and Indonesia.

“We have no doubt that these Chinese manufacturers are also seeking to establish production and other regions around the world, such as Saudi Arabia, forcing us into a continued game of whack-a-mole,” Widmar said.

Several analysts downgraded the company, with Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith writing in a note to clients that there were questions about “about the profitability of its core business.”

That the tariffs have affected First Solar, long held out as a kind of American solar manufacturing national champion, bodes poorly for much of the rest of the renewable industry, which is still often tightly linked to Asian nations and especially China.

There have been some hints that there’s no safe ground from tariffs in the U.S. clean energy industry. The most vertically integrated green technology company in the United States, Tesla, has flagged repeatedly to investors and the public that it’s at risk from tariffs, whether for certain parts of its cars or, especially, for its stationary storage batteries — which, like much of the rest of the storage industry, relies on a Chinese supply chain.

“Given the majority of the [battery electric storage systems] components with some dependency on Chinese supply chain, solar-plus-storage projects in particular may face significantly increased costs,” Widmar said. Morgan Stanley’s Perocco described Widmar’s comments on solar-plus-storage as a “negative read-through for other utility-scale solar and storage exposed stocks,” such as Array Technologies, Shoals Technology Group, and Fluence. Array and Shoals are down 10% and 3% respectively, while Fluence is about flat on the day.

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Spotlight

A Giant Data Center Offers a Permitting Reform Test Case

What would happen to Project Jupiter if the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act is passed?

Project Jupiter.
Heatmap Illustration/Project Jupiter, Library of Congress

One of the nation’s largest data centers is struggling under permitting woes. So let’s play a game: would the bipartisan permitting bill in Congress make the path easier, or might the federal legislation be irrelevant to large hyperscalers under development today?

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And more of the week’s top news around project fights.

The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. New England (and Maryland) – The Trump administration is still messing with offshore wind farms, even while trying to pass a permitting reform deal. Examining the court filings reveals why they may feel empowered to do it — and I’m not sure how this ends.

  • Last Friday, in a legal case brought by anti-wind activists, the Justice Department submitted a motion in federal court to send the construction and operations plan for Orsted’s Revolution Wind project in New England back to the Interior Department for more analysis. On Wednesday, the DOJ entered a similar motion in another case challenging the construction and operations plan for U.S. Wind’s MarWin project off the coast of Maryland in a lawsuit brought by the state’s coastal community of Ocean City.
  • Trump’s actions led some to question whether the president was sabotaging the deal, and others to claim the media coverage itself was an attempt to kill it. Going further, supporters of the bipartisan bill claimed the DOJ's motions were precisely why the bill should become law, implying it would guard offshore wind farms against this sort of maneuver.
  • However, for the bill’s backers, it’s worth considering why the Trump administration believes it has the legal authority to do this. It’s also time to ask whether the bill would actually protect these wind farms against this tactic.
  • To answer those questions, you have to rewind. On May 1, 2025, the Interior Department withdrew a Biden solicitor’s opinion instructing the agency to “strike a rational balance” between wind power and fishing interests. This revocation document is technically not in effect at the moment; one year later, a federal court ruled the opinion was potentially illegal as a part of a preliminary injunction on five anti-renewables actions requested by solar and wind trade groups. The Trump administration is contesting that ruling, and the administration has filed a notice of appeal.
  • In August, despite that opinion being in doubt, a federal judge granted Trump permission under the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act to remand the construction and operations plan for the now-defunct Atlantic Shores offshore wind farm in the waters of New Jersey. U.S. District Judge Jia Cobb specifically wrote that Atlantic Shores failed to demonstrate the federal government had limitations under OSCLA on revisiting these plans and that the injunction from the litigation on appeal “did not prohibit all reevaluation of agency action.”
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  • The bipartisan permitting bill would bar the Interior Department and other federal agencies from taking “any new action that would revoke, rescind, withdraw, terminate, suspend, amend, or alter a federal authorization or permit in effect on or after September 16, 2026,” or “any other action to interfere with or prevent the construction or operation at full capacity of a project that has secured all necessary federal authorizations and permits.” The restriction exempts cases where “the agency is required to take such action by order of a court.” As I wrote in our lengthy piece explaining the bill, this provision has a damages component that allows companies impacted by violations to pursue financial compensation.
  • Here’s the billion-dollar question I expect we won’t have answered unless the bill language is enacted and then litigated: Would the court order exception apply to rulings that grant these motions? Or would the developers be able to sue for damages?

2. Columbia County, N.Y. – New York’s renewable energy permitting office has rejected an upstate solar farm on farmland as a House Democrat representing the area joined hands with the Trump administration in publicly railing against the project.

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That is not true when it comes to the other elections this year.

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