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Cooking gas could just become ridiculously expensive.

There are plenty of reasons to consider abandoning your gas stove. Electric cooking won’t slowly poison you with nitrogen dioxide or send planet-warming carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Many cooks — including The New York Times’ Melissa Clark — are surprised at how much they prefer today’s state-of-the-art electric cooktops, known as induction stoves, despite initial skepticism.
But there’s another factor that’s a lot more likely to send people fleeing from the blue flame. Despite the culture war skirmish over gas stoves this past winter, which saw conservatives talking about the appliances as if they were constitutionally-protected AR-15s and progressives hand wringing about beloved Wolf and Viking ranges, widespread adoption of induction won’t happen through comparison shopping. It will happen because cooking with gas could become ridiculously expensive.
At the moment, the opposite is true. Newer induction ranges cost more than gas alternatives, and may even require a pricy electrical upgrade. Gas is also still generally cheaper than electricity.
But the thing about your gas bill is that it doesn’t just cover the cost of the fuel itself. It also covers the construction and maintenance of all the infrastructure required to deliver it to your home. Those costs are spread across the entire customer base. And that customer base is set to contract.
A handful of climate-forward cities and states have stopped allowing newly constructed buildings to hook up to natural gas. More importantly, billions of dollars of incentives in President Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act, along with state-level subsidies, are designed to push Americans to electrify their homes, including their space heating and hot water systems, as well as their stoves. Higher natural gas costs in recent months stemming from the war in Ukraine have also made decarbonizing where you live a lot more attractive.
But as the overall pool of gas customers shrinks and demand for gas declines, the cost of maintaining the system may not. That means those clinging to their gas stoves could see the cost of roasting a chicken skyrocket as they become saddled with a larger portion of the bill for maintaining a vast network of gas delivery pipelines.
Often referred to as the gas utility “death spiral,” the phenomenon is self-perpetuating. Higher bills motivate more customers to get off gas, leading to higher bills, and so on. In a 2019 report looking at how this could play out in the context of California’s aggressive decarbonization policies, the consulting firm Gridworks called it “a quintessential train wreck unfolding in slow motion.” The first 10% reduction in gas demand would only increase rates by about 10%, but as demand drops further, the effect starts to compound.
“There's this hockey stick curve that gets steeper and steeper,” said Mike Henchen, who leads the carbon-free buildings program at the clean energy nonprofit RMI, and was not involved in the Gridworks report. “By the time you cut gas demand about 60%, gas rates have doubled. By the time you cut gas use 80%, they’ve more than tripled.”
Gridworks modeled a scenario with high levels of electrification, shown to be the lowest cost path to achieving California’s emissions targets, and found that residential gas rates could increase from about $1.50 per therm to $19 by 2050.
That’s just one estimate. It’s hard to predict how many people will take advantage of these currently voluntary programs, or how quickly remaining customers will see the effects in their utilities bills. But another study conducted by economists at the University of California, Berkeley, confirms that the risk is real. The authors looked at historical evidence showing that when U.S. gas utilities have lost customers in the past, rates for those remaining have increased. They used the data to predict how a shift to electric buildings could affect gas ratepayers in the future, and estimated that if the pool shrank by 15% by 2030 and 40% by 2040, it would translate into annual bill increases of $31 and $116 per remaining customer, respectively.
It’s not just those early adopters who go all-electric that contribute to the problem. Gas companies, whose business model is threatened by electrification, would prefer a transition to pumping low-carbon fuels like hydrogen and renewable natural gas through their pipelines. Rather than anticipating reduced demand for their product, they’re pouring record amounts of cash into expanding. Data collected by the American Gas Association, a trade group for gas utilities, show that the industry’s annual capital expenditures have more than tripled since 2010. Growing even faster is the amount utilities spend on the distribution system that delivers gas to people’s homes, which has quadrupled.
“Spending is going up even as the long term outlook for demand is going down,” said Henchen. “So those two trends are gonna create problems.”
The reasons are twofold. Even though the push to electrify is ramping up, the customer exodus hasn’t hit yet and many utilities are actually expanding their systems to reach new customers. Meanwhile, older pipelines are plagued by leaks and other safety hazards. Utilities spend millions of dollars a year replacing pipes — costs that are then recovered through rates over the course of decades.
“It is unreasonable to expect that these costs can be recovered from ratepayers over many decades,” the Building Decarbonization Coalition, a nonprofit working on getting fossil fuels out of buildings, wrote in a recent report looking at the issue in New York State. The group questioned how utilities would be able to recover pipeline expansion and replacement costs when New York’s climate policies are encouraging households to leave the gas system. It urged the state’s utility commission to “intervene before the economics of the state’s gas networks unravel.”
These warnings are worth taking seriously because it’s not just Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia and other gas diehards who’ll be affected by the gas market falling apart. The aforementioned studies about the death spiral point to higher costs disproportionately falling on lower-income households and people of color.
Researchers who have studied the gas death spiral say there are a number of ways policymakers and regulators can manage the transition to avoid steep rate hikes.
One option is to repeal existing laws in many states that say gas utilities have a “duty to serve” customers and must hook them up to gas for free, allowing them to subsidize the cost of extending gas mains across their customer bases. California became the first state to take this step last year, and the move is estimated to save customers more than $160 million annually.
Another is to re-imagine pipe replacement programs, and strategically electrify neighborhoods that need replacements. But nothing like this has been tried yet, and it’s not yet clear how to pay for it, or what to do if any of the households refuse to make the change.
Other ideas include requiring those who leave the gas system to pay an exit fee, or to accelerate the depreciation schedules of new assets to better reflect how long they will be needed in a decarbonizing world.
Even if spiraling costs can be mitigated, Henchen said they’re unlikely to be entirely avoided. “It’s going to be this lagging trend that takes time to build up,” he said. “People probably won’t see it for 15 years or more from now.”
You may not be dreaming about an electric stove today, but let’s talk again in 2038.
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1. Marion County, Indiana — State legislators made a U-turn this week in Indiana.
2. Baldwin County, Alabama — Alabamians are fighting a solar project they say was dropped into their laps without adequate warning.
3. Orleans Parish, Louisiana — The Crescent City has closed its doors to data centers, at least until next year.
A conversation with Emily Pritzkow of Wisconsin Building Trades
This week’s conversation is with Emily Pritzkow, executive director for the Wisconsin Building Trades, which represents over 40,000 workers at 15 unions, including the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, the International Union of Operating Engineers, and the Wisconsin Pipe Trades Association. I wanted to speak with her about the kinds of jobs needed to build and maintain data centers and whether they have a big impact on how communities view a project. Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
So first of all, how do data centers actually drive employment for your members?
From an infrastructure perspective, these are massive hyperscale projects. They require extensive electrical infrastructure and really sophisticated cooling systems, work that will sustain our building trades workforce for years – and beyond, because as you probably see, these facilities often expand. Within the building trades, we see the most work on these projects. Our electricians and almost every other skilled trade you can think of, they’re on site not only building facilities but maintaining them after the fact.
We also view it through the lens of requiring our skilled trades to be there for ongoing maintenance, system upgrades, and emergency repairs.
What’s the access level for these jobs?
If you have a union signatory employer and you work for them, you will need to complete an apprenticeship to get the skills you need, or it can be through the union directly. It’s folks from all ranges of life, whether they’re just graduating from high school or, well, I was recently talking to an office manager who had a 50-year-old apprentice.
These apprenticeship programs are done at our training centers. They’re funded through contributions from our journey workers and from our signatory contractors. We have programs without taxpayer dollars and use our existing workforce to bring on the next generation.
Where’s the interest in these jobs at the moment? I’m trying to understand the extent to which potential employment benefits are welcomed by communities with data center development.
This is a hot topic right now. And it’s a complicated topic and an issue that’s evolving – technology is evolving. But what we do find is engagement from the trades is a huge benefit to these projects when they come to a community because we are the community. We have operated in Wisconsin for 130 years. Our partnership with our building trades unions is often viewed by local stakeholders as the first step of building trust, frankly; they know that when we’re on a project, it’s their neighbors getting good jobs and their kids being able to perhaps train in their own backyard. And local officials know our track record. We’re accountable to stakeholders.
We are a valuable player when we are engaged and involved in these sting decisions.
When do you get engaged and to what extent?
Everyone operates differently but we often get engaged pretty early on because, obviously, our workforce is necessary to build the project. They need the manpower, they need to talk to us early on about what pipeline we have for the work. We need to talk about build-out expectations and timelines and apprenticeship recruitment, so we’re involved early on. We’ve had notable partnerships, like Microsoft in southeast Wisconsin. They’re now the single largest taxpayer in Racine County. That project is now looking to expand.
When we are involved early on, it really shows what can happen. And there are incredible stories coming out of that job site every day about what that work has meant for our union members.
To what extent are some of these communities taking in the labor piece when it comes to data centers?
I think that’s a challenging question to answer because it varies on the individual person, on what their priority is as a member of a community. What they know, what they prioritize.
Across the board, again, we’re a known entity. We are not an external player; we live in these communities and often have training centers in them. They know the value that comes from our workers and the careers we provide.
I don’t think I’ve seen anyone who says that is a bad thing. But I do think there are other factors people are weighing when they’re considering these projects and they’re incredibly personal.
How do you reckon with the personal nature of this issue, given the employment of your members is also at stake? How do you grapple with that?
Well, look, we respect, over anything else, local decision-making. That’s how this should work.
We’re not here to push through something that is not embraced by communities. We are there to answer questions and good actors and provide information about our workforce, what it can mean. But these are decisions individual communities need to make together.
What sorts of communities are welcoming these projects, from your perspective?
That’s another challenging question because I think we only have a few to go off of here.
I would say more information earlier on the better. That’s true in any case, but especially with this. For us, when we go about our day-to-day activities, that is how our most successful projects work. Good communication. Time to think things through. It is very early days, so we have some great success stories we can point to but definitely more to come.
The number of data centers opposed in Republican-voting areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
It’s probably an exaggeration to say that there are more alligators than people in Colleton County, South Carolina, but it’s close. A rural swath of the Lowcountry that went for Trump by almost 20%, the “alligator alley” is nearly 10% coastal marshes and wetlands, and is home to one of the largest undeveloped watersheds in the nation. Only 38,600 people — about the population of New York’s Kew Gardens neighborhood — call the county home.
Colleton County could soon have a new landmark, though: South Carolina’s first gigawatt data center project, proposed by Eagle Rock Partners.
That’s if it overcomes mounting local opposition, however. Although the White House has drummed up data centers as the key to beating China in the race for AI dominance, Heatmap Pro data indicate that a backlash is growing from deep within President Donald Trump’s strongholds in rural America.
According to Heatmap Pro data, there are 129 embattled data centers located in Republican-voting areas. The vast majority of these counties are rural; just six occurred in counties with more than 1,000 people per square mile. That’s compared with 93 projects opposed in Democratic areas, which are much more evenly distributed across rural and more urban areas.
Most of this opposition is fairly recent. Six months ago, only 28 data centers proposed in low-density, Trump-friendly countries faced community opposition. In the past six months, that number has jumped by 95 projects. Heatmap’s data “shows there is a split, especially if you look at where data centers have been opposed over the past six months or so,” says Charlie Clynes, a data analyst with Heatmap Pro. “Most of the data centers facing new fights are in Republican places that are relatively sparsely populated, and so you’re seeing more conflict there than in Democratic areas, especially in Democratic areas that are sparsely populated.”
All in all, the number of data centers that have faced opposition in Republican areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
Our polling reflects the breakdown in the GOP: Rural Republicans exhibit greater resistance to hypothetical data center projects in their communities than urban Republicans: only 45% of GOP voters in rural areas support data centers being built nearby, compared with nearly 60% of urban Republicans.

Such a pattern recently played out in Livingston County, Michigan, a farming area that went 61% for President Donald Trump, and “is known for being friendly to businesses.” Like Colleton County, the Michigan county has low population density; last fall, hundreds of the residents of Howell Township attended public meetings to oppose Meta’s proposed 1,000-acre, $1 billion AI training data center in their community. Ultimately, the uprising was successful, and the developer withdrew the Livingston County project.
Across the five case studies I looked at today for The Fight — in addition to Colleton and Livingston Counties, Carson County, Texas; Tucker County, West Virginia; and Columbia County, Georgia, are three other red, rural examples of communities that opposed data centers, albeit without success — opposition tended to be rooted in concerns about water consumption, noise pollution, and environmental degradation. Returning to South Carolina for a moment: One of the two Colleton residents suing the county for its data center-friendly zoning ordinance wrote in a press release that he is doing so because “we cannot allow” a data center “to threaten our star-filled night skies, natural quiet, and enjoyment of landscapes with light, water, and noise pollution.” (In general, our polling has found that people who strongly oppose clean energy are also most likely to oppose data centers.)
Rural Republicans’ recent turn on data centers is significant. Of 222 data centers that have faced or are currently facing opposition, the majority — 55% —are located in red low-population-density areas. Developers take note: Contrary to their sleepy outside appearances, counties like South Carolina’s alligator alley clearly have teeth.