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Power Forward Communities wants you to have a heat pump.

Getting fossil fuels out of your home is really hard. You have to find a contractor, ideally one who supports electrification and doesn’t ask why you won’t just stick with natural gas. You have to coordinate between multiple trades — electricians, plumbers, HVAC professionals — as well as lenders and utilities and permitting authorities, most of whom don’t talk to each other. You have to navigate a confusing array of finance options and incentives. You might be left feeling defeated, unable to afford the high up-front costs and unable to secure low-cost loans. And if you’re a renter, all you can do is dream.
These are not easy problems to solve. But a new initiative called Power Forward Communities has a pioneering plan to simplify the process all over the country — and it just got $2 billion to get started.
The money is part of the $20 billion the Biden administration awarded on Thursday via the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, a program approved as part of the Inflation Reduction Act to provide low-cost financing options for consumers, communities, and businesses to transition to clean energy and adapt to climate change.
Power Forward Communities is made up of five core partner organizations — Rewiring America, Enterprise Community Partners, Local Initiatives Support Corporation, Habitat for Humanity, and United Way Worldwide — who will work with communities, government agencies, unions, and housing developers to decarbonize hundreds of thousands of homes and apartments between now and 2031. The coalition has committed to invest at least 75% of the financing in projects in low-income and disadvantaged communities.
That all starts with a four point plan.
First, reduce friction by creating online tools and providing community-level assistance to help homeowners navigate the decarbonization process. Rewiring America is already part of the way there with its “personal electrification planner,” which provides a rough estimate of the upfront cost, annual bill savings, and expected emissions reductions for any given project. Soon, the group will pair that with another, first-of-its-kind tool: a dataset of every electrification incentive in the country. Eventually you’ll be able to plug in your address and income and get a list of all of the programs available to help you pay for your project.
Second, invest in workforce development and create a “contractor marketplace” where building owners can go to find vetted partners for their project.
Third, create new low-cost financial products to help bridge the gap between existing incentives and project costs. Notably, Power Forward plans to allocate more than half of its loans to projects in multifamily buildings, as these buildings tend to serve renters with lower incomes, and decarbonizing them is much more capital-intensive.
The details of the finance aspect of the program are subject to change, but the group’s application for the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund proposes an energy efficiency loan for apartment building owners who want to make minor upgrades, which would offer an average of $30,000 per building with a 10- to 20-year term and 1% to 3% interest rate. As part of this program, Power Forward would also work with the building owner to make a plan to fully decarbonize the building down the line, and issue grants to fund the planning process. A proposed “net-zero rehab permanent loan,” meanwhile, would provide financing for full retrofits at an average of $120,000 per building.
Meanwhile, the finance options for single-family homes could be tied to predetermined “packages” of decarbonization measures that homeowners can choose from. This brings me to the fourth, and what I see as the most interesting and innovative part of the plan: the aggregation of demand.
Part of why electrification is so difficult and expensive is that it’s a bespoke process. Some buildings might need insulation, others might need electrical upgrades. Some might require new ductwork for central heat pumps, while others might be better off installing mini-split heat pumps in every zone of the house. There’s no one-size-fits-all solution.
“How do we unlock economies of scale and create an offering that could serve as many households at once?,” Nicole Staple, the head of market partnerships at Rewiring America, posed rhetorically to me in February. “That has historically been incredibly challenging given there's so much customization to heat pump design.”
But there are buildings with similar needs. If there were a way to identify them and then group the jobs together, you could start to solve a surprising number of other challenges. “That's where I think you unlock a lot of speed in [electrifying] full communities,” said Staple.
The most obvious benefit would be lowering the cost of equipment by buying in bulk. You could give suppliers better visibility into demand so they could stock up accordingly. You could help contractors plan ahead and space out jobs so that they have guaranteed work during the shoulder seasons. You could create new markets for union labor, which have historically been shut out from residential work due to the small size of the contracts and high customer acquisition costs. You could pool loans to diversify risk. You could design more effective policies to wind down the natural gas system.
The standardized packages Power Forward plans to offer will enable the group to “pre-define pricing and financial product offers, streamline underwriting and installation, and reduce financing costs,” according to its funding application. It estimates that by aggregating demand, it can reduce the remaining costs of electrification after incentives by as much as 50%.
The application also said the group has obtained letters of commitment from supply chain participants, including Home Depot and Mitsubishi, to lower equipment costs. In return, the coalition will reserve an initial $125 million over the first three years of the program as an insurance pool to guarantee $1 billion in sales volume for select partners.
To unlock all this magical potential, Rewiring America has been working on a large-scale data model to identify homes with similar characteristics, which will in turn help it figure out where there is opportunity to bundle projects in different parts of the country.
The group has also been gathering information and testing out assumptions on what will ultimately lower the costs of equipment and installation in a series of pilot projects, starting with one in the rural, mostly Black community of DeSoto, Georgia, where “107 households survive on a median income of $20,375, grapple with repeated house fires linked to propane gas usage, and strain to pay utility bills,” according to Power Forward’s application.
When I spoke to Staple a couple of months ago, she told me that about 75 households in DeSoto had expressed interest in the program thus far. Each participant would get at least one piece of equipment — a heat pump space heating system or a water heater, for example — fully subsidized. They would also be eligible for electrical upgrades or weatherization improvements as needed.
“Many of the households have not had cooling. Some have had their HVAC systems broken for literally decades,” Staple told me. “There's lots of dimensions of that community that we think help us understand how carefully we need to manage electrification projects, considering the ways that these communities have been failed.”
Power Forward had initially requested $9.5 billion to implement its plans, so it will have to go back to the drawing board over the next few months to map out what it can achieve with the $2 billion it was given. What could it have accomplished with that additional $7.5 billion?
“Our mission is to create hundreds of DeSotos, and ultimately decarbonize housing across the nation,” the coalition’s application says.
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Talking with National Grid’s Matthew Satterwhite about his new report with S&P Global.
This week’s conversation is with Matthew Satterwhite, head of U.S. policy for National Grid. This week National Grid released a report in collaboration with S&P Global I found noteworthy amidst the data center backlash, asserting that building new transmission lines can potentially reduce consumer costs. I reached out asking if we could chat about how this argument leans into the fight over hyperscale infrastructure. I found our conversation illuminating and educational.
The following Q&A was lightly edited for clarity.
Why did you make this report?
It’s all focused on our customers. We’re always looking to find ways to make sure we can provide our service in the most affordable way possible, the most efficient way possible, and we always think of transmission, but it’s fallen out of favor recently. There’s so much demand with large loads, data centers, advanced manufacturing, reshoring. There’s such a need, and a lot of the debate has been focused on what we need on the generation side. We think transmission is an answer, as well.
We focused on what we have control over — since we’re in deregulated states, the only generation we’re doing is to help states reach their renewable goals. It’s a real page-turner. We really get to the core of everything.
Can we lower customer bills with transmission? This report actually showed us that’s a good investment and helps with the resource adequacy and the constraint problems we have in the Northeast. You can bring cheaper electricity in.
With respect to concerns for everyday consumers, how much do you feel like new transmission might alleviate ordinary Americans’ concerns about rising energy prices?
When you look at the demand that’s coming, the projection is that by 2035, we’ll have to add 45 gigawatts, currently. We’re on that path right now. Transmission alone isn’t going to meet that, but the question is, how do we temper that down? What do we do as National Grid to help alleviate the need for all that demand? Can we get that somewhere else rather than in the region by building generation? It's a different version of all of the above. It’s not a generation single answer or a transmission single answer. We think transmission is a big part of that.
This also allows you to bring in cleaner energy from other places. The more robust the network is, you can have energy in different places and bring that in. It replaces the need for some of the generation to be built and pays for itself by creating a cheaper return for customers adding this.
How much of the data center backlash is affecting your transmission project planning calculus? How is it changing what lines are built in the country?
We’re focused on how we can provide the cheapest service for our customers and physics. It’s science and long-term planning. We don’t have the luxury — we can’t follow, this month we’re thinking something, someone got mad, and so we’re thinking something else. We study a lot of science and physics to figure out how to build the grid.
Do you feel like the average Joe Schmoe American sees transmission as making their life less expensive and making their electricity more reliable?
I think there’s frustration and a lack of understanding about the industry overall. There’s fear of the unknown. Are data centers really driving everything that’s happening? That’s where I think, with reports like this, the benefit of it will be that people will read this and see there’s other things we can do to address the load that we need, something different than building a bunch of generation plants.
How do the question marks around whether data centers get built affect transmission planning? How much harder is the backlash making your job?
It’s a science question. Do we do a bunch of work and then nothing happens? That’s why states put their policies out. There’s multiple studies you go through with a region and with a utility. I think that’s one reason why you see states slowing down, to make sure the policy is in check so people don’t do work they don’t need to do. It’s about having the policy to make sure, if you’re studying something, you’re doing it with a purpose.
Plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.
1. Clark County, Nevada – The first data center approved on federal lands has hit a legal brick wall.
2. Jackson County, Missouri – We have yet another high-profile case of a city councilor losing their job over voting for a data center, and this one’s a doozy.
3. Utah – What’s it take for the Bureau of Land Management to approve a big transmission line for zero-emission energy generation these days? Geothermal, baby.
4. Huntsville, Alabama – You can’t even build a tiny battery storage facility in the middle of Alabama anymore.
Where temporary moratoria could happen next.
Brace yourself for more statewide data center moratoria.
So far there are only two full state-wide blocks on data center permits, in New York and Texas. At least fifteen states have moratorium legislation in the pipeline, but few if any of those bills stand a chance of becoming law in the short term. Here are five states, however, where a broad development pause may gain momentum in the next year or two — and all of them are crucial to watch this November.
If you blinked you may have missed it: New Hampshire Governor Kelly Ayotte, a Republican, said she wants to enact a statewide data center moratorium.
Ayotte first came out in support of a pause last month at a Rotary Club meeting, declaring, “It does not make any sense at all to site a data center in New Hampshire.” She also reportedly plans to include a moratorium proposal in her upcoming 2027 fiscal budget. New Hampshire’s legislative sessions occur in the first half of the year, so we won’t see action on a moratorium bill this fall. But Ayotte’s statements suggest the Granite State — which is controlled by the GOP — could pivot to a pause very soon.
New Hampshire has very few data centers. Like, almost none. Only two project fights exist in the Heatmap Pro database, both in Portsmouth, and each has been canceled amidst opposition. Ayotte’s remarks were prompted by the fight against a hyperscale project being studied in the small town of Bow at a former coal plant that closed in late 2025.
None of this should surprise anyone familiar with New England NIMBYs. A New Hampshire moratorium also makes sense given the state’s proximity to Maine, which almost had one of its own. Ayotte, who is up for re-election this year, is likely looking at the political fortunes of Governor Janet Mills and trying to avoid potholes ahead of a likely blue wave hitting her state.
This week, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, a Democrat, came out in support of a statewide data center moratorium.
Mayes told Arizonans in a public statement on Monday that she wants to avoid undue strain on the electric grid and adding to the burden of water cuts led by the Trump administration. Phoenix, where opposition grows by the day, seems to be the primary reason. This shouldn’t in any way be a surprise given the backlash to these projects, which in Arizona’s case is rooted in legitimate water security concerns.
One of the first high-profile data center conflicts I ever learned about was in Arizona: Project Blue, which had to move on from the city of Tucson after officials voted it down last summer. That led Amazon to bail from the facility, though it’s still under development elsewhere on county land. Locals are deeply concerned about the water impacts.
Ordinarily an attorney general wouldn’t have any sway on legislative or executive policy, but the state is already quite receptive to restricting data center development. Governor Katie Hobbs has enacted a three-year pause on tax abatements for data centers, and in response to requests for comment on Mayes’ statement, has told media she’s working on more policies targeting the sector. Hobbs has said she will do more in the following legislative session, but it’s not clear what.
The real decisive action here is probably going to be legislation, and that will depend on the reception any moratorium finds with Republicans in the state legislature, which is typically split in this purple state. The Arizona GOP is quite pro-industry, and Mayes’ opponent in her race for re-election opposes restricting data center construction.
You really should get to know the name Cindy Holscher for the next two months.
Holscher, a state senator, won a surprise upset victory in the Democratic gubernatorial primary this year, and currently sits within a one-point margin of her Republican opponent. How’d she get the nom? By calling for a statewide data center moratorium. “It reminds me of when the automobile manufacturers had to put seatbelts into their cars,“ Holscher told MSNOW after she won the primary. “We as a people and as a state just need to make sure there are guardrails in place.”
Kansas politics are weird. The state is best known as a conservative ideological bastion that’s pro-business. Full Republican control of the Kansas government during the Obama era led to significant social services cuts most closely associated with former Governor Sam Brownback. But after that, Kansans seemed to like moderate Democratic governors, electing Laura Kelly in 2022. Kelly is now term limited out of office.
Kansas already has a colorful patchwork of local data center and renewable energy restrictions. Land use is a big deal in this agricultural behemoth. Should Holscher win in a blue wave year, she would have a mandate to enact a statewide moratorium. Still, Republicans control the legislature, and that’s unlikely to change. My major questions are, should Holscher win, would the GOP in state government listen to Holscher’s request? Or can she do this through the executive branch?
Politics nerds are obsessing over Ohio right now. There, Trump acolyte Vivek Ramaswamy is neck-and-neck in the polls for governor with a Democratic candidate who backs a “conditional” data center moratorium: Amy Acton.
What’s a conditional moratorium? It’s in the eye of the beholder, really. Technically speaking, Governor Josh Shapiro instituted a conditional moratorium in Pennsylvania, where data center projects cannot get permits unless they meet very specific standards set by the governor himself. Shapiro did it through executive action, but in this case, it’s unclear whether the moratorium will be codified through that process or through law.
Should Acton win — or if former Senator Sherrod Brown defeats sitting Senator Jon Husted in the U.S. Senate race — I anticipate major legislative action on data centers in Ohio. Republicans there have essentially permanent control of the state legislature, and they’ve historically been pro-data center. But the freakout over opposition to artificial intelligence and hyperscalers in the senate race specifically has spooked national Republicans, who think it provided the opening Brown needed to potentially win back his seat. Acton and Brown’s political fortunes appear to be wedded to one another, linked to a general angst in the American public.
Every top 5 list needs a wild card, and mine is Oklahoma.
Currently, there’s minimal risk of a data center moratorium. I might’ve had this state higher on my list had Gentner Drummond won the runoff for the GOP gubernatorial primary, given his proclivity to side with anti-renewables activists who also oppose data centers. Instead, likely future governor Mike Mazzei is running on a more moderate, Trump-friendly approach to data centers centered on maintaining industry growth while protecting ratepayers from new infrastructure costs. His opponent, Cyndi Munson, supports a one-year moratorium.
I consider Oklahoma’s odds of having a data center moratorium about equal to the chance of a statewide wind energy ban. Momentum for anti-wind legislation began in the state legislature, and I expect the same to happen with data centers. But unlike the wind industry, which has enormous power in the state, data centers are still a nascent industry. This is a place that may take about two or three years to manifest full cultural upheaval over these projects.