You’re out of free articles.
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
Sign In or Create an Account.
By continuing, you agree to the Terms of Service and acknowledge our Privacy Policy
Welcome to Heatmap
Thank you for registering with Heatmap. Climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our lives, a force reshaping our economy, our politics, and our culture. We hope to be your trusted, friendly, and insightful guide to that transformation. Please enjoy your free articles. You can check your profile here .
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Subscribe to get unlimited Access
Hey, you are out of free articles but you are only a few clicks away from full access. Subscribe below and take advantage of our introductory offer.
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Create Your Account
Please Enter Your Password
Forgot your password?
Please enter the email address you use for your account so we can send you a link to reset your password:

This transcript was automatically generated.
Robinson Meyer:
[1:25] I’m Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News, and this is Shift Key, Heatmap’s podcast about decarbonization and the shift away from fossil fuels. It is Monday, February 9th, and I think it’s fair to say the biggest possible climate legislation that could come out of Congress this year is a permitting reform bill. This would be, let’s be clear, a compromise between Democrats and Republicans, where Democrats agree to rewrite parts of the National Environmental Policy Act, reduce some permitting barriers, maybe make it easier to build pipelines, while in exchange, Republicans would agree to change the rules on clean energy projects and transmission lines, making it easier to build wind,
Robinson Meyer:
[2:04] solar, batteries, all that good stuff. There’d be some bipartisan goals in there, too. I think there’s some lawmakers from both parties who want to make it easier to build advanced geothermal, for instance. But this would be a compromise no matter what, and nobody would be totally thrilled with it.
Robinson Meyer:
[2:18] Senator Martin Heinrich is the ranking Democratic member of the Senate Energy Committee. He’s the senior senator from New Mexico, and any permitting deal in the Senate would have to go through him. He’s also a giant transmission nerd. As I’ve written about, he was integral to reaching a deal on the Sunzia transmission line, which is a three and a half gigawatt wind farm and power line project in New Mexico. I’ll stick an article about that in the show notes. And he is our guest on Shift Key today. Senator Heinrich and I spoke last week, and you’re going to hear what he thinks the biggest obstacle to getting a permitting reform deal done is, what might need to happen for Democrats to feel good about a deal and why such a deal ultimately needs to constrain Trump in some way. He makes a little news. There was a bipartisan House bill last week that would limit executive interference on energy projects. You’ll hear what he thinks about it. And we also talk about the future of climate policy for the Democratic Party writ large, what he learned from the Biden administration, what the Inflation Reduction Act got right and what it got wrong, what a future climate law would need to do and whether energy policy needs a
Robinson Meyer:
[3:22] villain and who that villain might be. It was a great conversation. I learned a lot from it and it’s all coming up this week on Shift Key. Senator Heinrich, welcome to Shift Key.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[3:35] Great to be here.
Robinson Meyer:
[3:36] I want to start with the news. So what are the obstacles and state of play on permitting reform today?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[3:45] Well, I think the biggest obstacle is just the unwillingness of this administration to sort of play by the normal rules and laws and the order that has served our country so well for so long. There were kind of two big buckets where they were coloring outside the lines. And one that got a lot of press was the offshore wind issues. And we’ve seen the courts really do a great job with those projects that are fully permitted, at least, and are well under construction, in some cases like 80% complete. The courts have intervened and said, no, you can’t do this. These stop work orders are just illegal. So put people back to work.
Robinson Meyer:
[4:29] Their legal record on this is like 5-0 or something.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[4:32] Yeah, that’s exactly right. And so that’s been a great outcome for a lot of people who, you know, I had somebody in front of me testifying last week, I think it was, who said, talked about a painter who like two days before Christmas, he thought he was going to be working on this wind project for the next three years and two days before Christmas, he doesn’t have a job. So that’s outrageous, and we shouldn’t tolerate it in this country. And I think the courts are doing a good job of putting those projects back into
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[5:02] play, and those are moving forward. I think what’s gotten less coverage is this secretarial order at the Department of Interior, where there are literally 69 different things that most of which would never land on the secretary’s desk to begin with. Really minor things like rights of way and findings of no significant impact. This secretarial order has said all these things are going to land on the secretary’s desk for his approval. That’s the opposite of permitting reform. That’s intentional red tape at a scale we’ve never seen before. And so you have all of these things that oftentimes would have been handled by some bureaucrat at a local BLM office in Nevada or New Mexico or Utah. uh.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[5:51] That would have just been approved as a matter of course, unless they’re inconsistent with our laws and regulations. They’re all stacking up on Secretary Burgum’s desk and nothing is leaving his desk. And so you have roughly half the generation in the pipeline that’s trying to get plugged into the grid right now that is in permitting purgatory. We just don’t know. There’s no callback to the developers. They just don’t know when or if these projects that they’ve already invested in are going to be approved. I think that deserves a lot more attention because it is truly threatening the growth of the grid, and it is going to show up in higher and higher prices as demand continues to surge, but those generation projects are not able to put their electrons on the grid.
Robinson Meyer:
[6:45] To just dwell on that for a moment, when you talk to developers, what kind of projects are getting held up by the secretarial order? So is it projects on public land, which are obviously a huge deal out west? Or is it anything with a kind of nexus with a federal waterway? Or just like, give us a sense of which project, like, are there private projects?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[7:05] Right. It’s like across the board. It is both anything that has a nexus to public land gets caught up in this in many cases. Oftentimes you need a right of way just to be able to connect to a transmission or distribution line. It runs across the entire generation spectrum and the projects that are necessary to facilitate that generation. Things like transmission and distribution lines, roads, stuff that normally would have gotten processed as a matter of course. And so it’s hard to overstate the scale of how much things have ground to a halt. And it does go beyond Interior as well. So you have, you know, you have Fish and Wildlife Service not processing permits. You have EPA not processing permits. And so the whole ability of our country to meet our energy demand has sort of just gotten stuck in this quagmire.
Robinson Meyer:
[8:07] I want to get back to this question of executive interference, but there was a bill that came out of the House last year. There was a permitting reform bill and there were some votes on it. There was some discussion and you were among a group of senators who said, no, this would not be acceptable, this offer, because it doesn’t have any transmission in it. It doesn’t have the transmission policy we’d need to see. And so just as you understand it, what would be the key parts of a permitting reform deal across both parties and that you would need to see to get something done here?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[8:39] Well, the SPEED Act that came out of the House was very much a sort of rewrite the National Environmental Policy Act kind of permitting reform. That doesn’t live in my committee. It lives not in Energy and Natural Resources where I’m the ranking member, but it lives over in Environment and Public Works, where Sheldon Whitehouse is the ranking member. And I don’t think there is support for that legislation in that committee either. I am focused on transmission because that does live in my committee, but also because it is necessary to solve one of the fundamental, most acute problems that we have in the energy sector right now, which is the fact that we have, for the first time since air conditioning became commonplace, we have this enormous, enormous surge in demand, like something I have not seen since my dad was a lineman and I was seven years old. And so that demand, you see it in stories all over the country. But when you look at how we’re meeting that demand and you look at all the supply that is trying to be brought on the grid right now, first off, you need transmission to connect the places where you can do the generation to the places where the demand is going to be used.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[10:02] And in addition, that supply is, for the next five or six years, is 95% renewable. If you didn’t order a gas turbine multiple years ago, you’re going to be waiting five, six, seven, eight years to get that gas turbine. The stuff that is plugging into the grid right now is wind, solar, and batteries, because they’re quick to deploy. They’re fast to permit under normal conditions. You know what the costs are. You don’t have to wait in a line for five years to get pieces and parts to be able to build that. And so that’s what’s been being deployed to sort of bridge our demand. There’s a lot of neat stuff that’s out there seven years from now in terms of small modular reactors, advanced and enhanced geothermal, which I am all for. But in the meantime, we have to plug in wind, solar, and batteries. It’s the only way we can meet that demand. We don’t meet that demand. People’s electricity costs are going to go through the roof, and we’re already seeing that with about a 13% increase in retail electric costs just since this administration came into office.
Robinson Meyer:
[11:13] So transmission, so executive interference, it would be great to plug in that wind and solar and batteries. As you were saying, it’s been held up by the Trump administration. Do you think it’s possible to find some kind of bill or text or proposal that would undo the secretarial order that would allow energy projects to move in a more normal way through the Trump administration?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[11:36] We are certainly exploring that with a number of different constituencies, how you would craft something that removes executive discretion from the process and just sets a sort of performance bar. I’m a fan of that approach generally. I mean, I started my career in the city council and I dealt with land use issues all the time. I was the chair of the land use committee on Albuquerque City Council. And I found that when you had this amorphous process where you didn’t know where the bar was, that things would get caught up in litigation and just get drug out for years, where if you just set a high bar at the beginning and said, once you check these boxes, you can proceed, that that’s a much better way to do permitting to begin with.
Robinson Meyer:
[12:22] There’s one bill we reported on yesterday at Heatmap called the FREEDOM Act. It just came out of the House. It has a bipartisan group behind it, including Mike Lawler from New York, Adam Gray in California. It tries to prevent federal agencies from terminating work on a fully permitted project or affecting ongoing construction on a fully permitted project. And it would establish this fund that a company that has seen its permits get yanked could pull from in the Treasury Department up to $5 million. Does this bill meet your concerns? Have you looked at it? Is this the kind of text that you would need to see to say, okay, we could put a deal together?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[13:00] We’re very intrigued and digging into that legislation right now. And I do think that anything we can do to create more certainty in the market, and that’s true for both renewables and for traditional energy, because the truth is, we can’t have a system where when one party controls the White House, they attack this set of energy. And then when it changes hands, that group attacks this other set of energy. We just need to set policy and then have predictable flows of capital into the market. And so I think this is a positive step forward. And we should look at all the things the House does and evaluate them on their merits. I will say that if the figure is $5 billion for this fund, you could exhaust that on one wind project. And thank goodness the courts stepped in as quickly as they did because those offshore wind projects were on the scale of tens of billions of dollars.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[14:08] And effectively, if you’re going to shut those off, that’s a takings in my view. That’s like actually stealing someone’s capital, stealing someone’s money. And we can’t like that’s third world stuff. We can’t have that in the United States of America. But I give credit to the House for coming forward with this kind of thing because we do need to constrain it.
Robinson Meyer:
[14:31] Well, if you sign on to it, let us know at Heatmap. I want to zoom out and talk about climate policy more broadly. So permitting reform obviously fits into this. But we just came out of an administration that did a lot on the climate, passed the Inflation Reduction Act, and frankly, had a tough time of it with voters, and even had a tough time of it, I think, with some environmental groups and maybe didn’t find the support that they expected. So how are you thinking about the future of democratic climate policy? And do you think we’ll ever see another administration that prioritizes the issue in the same way the Biden administration did?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[15:04] I certainly hope so. I think the mistake that was made, it’s true of the Biden administration, but it’s true of a lot of members who were involved in the creation of the IRA too. We did not tell the story well enough. And it wasn’t because there wasn’t a story to tell so in new mexico i made i was up for election last year and I made a very concerted effort to put the things that we did that created new jobs new manufacturing and new projects at the center of my communication because people are busy like you can’t just think that you’re going to change a policy and people are going to figure out how to connect the dots between what you did and what the impacts were. But I found if I told that story as part of my campaign, and it was central to my paid media strategy and everything we did, that people got it. They connected the dots because we told a story. And that’s a lesson. You have to do that. You also have to move fast. And I think we made a number of mistakes in being.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[16:18] Willing to accept a kind of cumbersome process that already existed that kept things from moving at a pace where we could demonstrate actual results. And this is a lesson I’ve learned over the years. Just like when we did Obamacare, like all the bad stuff was up front and all the good stuff was five years later. That’s a bad recipe because people have now figured out that, oh, oh, I need Obamacare, but it took years to get there. We can learn those lessons in terms of any climate policy to front load things like tax benefits are relatively quick. There’s a process to write the rules, but those things can take effect almost immediately. If you had something like the green bank that lived at EPA, it took too long to set that up. And by the time cash was moving, a new administration was in and said, nope, we’re going to stop, full stop on all that stuff. So that should inform, you know, speed to market is going to need to be absolutely critical in any sort of climate policy.
Robinson Meyer:
[17:27] So I’m happy to hear you say this. And it’s something that I think your other colleagues have said as well, that there was too much process. It took too long to end things up. I do want to push on it because I think we’re about as far now from a democratic legislative process as it is possible to be. It’s been a few years since the IRA. It’s like at least a few years until the possibility of another trifecta. And if there were to be a bill in the future... The people who want process don’t come to the negotiations, or they don’t advocate and say, we really want process. What they say is, well, this needs to be careful. We don’t want the benefits to go to people who don’t need the benefits. We need more planning here. We need to make sure that the stakeholders who fought for this coalition actually get the benefits. And we don’t want the market to decide that. So it’s great that at this moment, people are like, we need to go faster. But in the heat of a bill legislating process, how is that actually going to pan out?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[18:31] I think it means that you have to understand what your goals are, what you’re trying to accomplish, and think through how you set a high bar for... You need to think through that ahead of time and incorporate it into the legislation, as opposed to defer to some agency who’s going to go through a very cumbersome regulatory process to figure that out. So you need you need to work, do the work on the front end, basically. And I think that’s where we did that things moved quickly and where we didn’t, things moved painfully slowly.
Robinson Meyer:
[19:07] What’s the policy that you think worked best in the bill?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[19:10] I think that, you know, tax credits, definitely. And some of those survived and are, you know, one of the things people need to understand is that clean energy is the dominant energy. Now, It’s not alternative. It is the dominant energy in our country, and it is continuing to expand its dominance. And we have a situation where the things that did survive, the incentives for energy storage and batteries, the incentives for nuclear, the incentives for geothermal, those things did survive. And they’re going to continue to drive innovation in the market. I’m really excited about the things that we’re seeing in small modular fission, in advanced and enhanced geothermal. I’m seeing stuff in my state that 10 years ago just did not exist. It’s going to be five years before that stuff is plugged into the grid, but it’s game-changing, and we’re just going to continue to expand the places where the clean energy sector is market-dominant.
[AD BREAK]
Robinson Meyer:
[21:53] So you come from an oil and gas state, and there have been some calls for Democrats to look for places they can ally with the oil and gas industry or oil and gas interests. I think we’ve seen from one state over, Senator Gallego has made some noise in this direction. Do you think Democrats need a different oil and gas policy than the one they had during the Biden administration? And what do you hear from your constituents?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[22:15] Well, I think it can’t be supply You can’t tell people that you can’t burn gasoline in your car before you have an alternative, right? That mistake has been made in many countries over the years. It sort of led to some of the protests we saw in France a few years ago. You have to build a better mousetrap. And I do think there are, you know, one of the reasons why, if we can deal with the administrative stall out on permitting, that you can build alliances between clean energy and traditional molecules-based energy around the certainty of the permitting process. That’s a place where both sides don’t want to live in a world where their capital can be held at gunpoint by some hostile administration. And so there are some opportunities there. And I think it’s important to explore those. That’s how you build a permitting package that can actually pass. And I think that was done well in the permitting package that we passed out of committee two years ago that I certainly supported.
Robinson Meyer:
[23:26] Do you think a future president should talk about these things a little differently? I think, I don’t know, I think back to the Biden administration and when he approved Willow, for instance, he got all this blowback from it, from green groups, from environmentalists. And it was an export project, so it wasn’t quite the same story. But there was no, he didn’t try to sell the benefits at all. And he had to live with the consequences anyway. He wasn’t like, oh, this is going to make us richer because we’re selling oil into the world. He was just like, I’m sorry, I have to do this. And he got beat up for it anyway. Do you think that they’re like, you know, I think one
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[24:01] Of the weird things about the oil and gas markets is that we have put so much capital into exporting American oil and gas to the world because we haven’t put capital into the kind of refining technology that would allow it to be used here and lower people’s prices. And so that creates a lot of sort of strange gymnastics in the market. You know, we export so much crude oil and we’re now, because this administration has taken a no holds barred, we’re going to export any gas permit that comes our way. We’re going to approve it all, despite the fact that there is a requirement in the law that it’s in the best interest of the country and DOE is supposed to certify that. They’ve just said, we’re going to export it all. If you do that and you’re not careful about taking each incremental project, on its own merits and how it’s going to impact the market.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[25:08] That is part of the reason we’ve seen natural gas prices double in the last few years. And in addition to that really hurting consumers, it also hurts for those manufacturing businesses that have been really dependent on gas for heat in the manufacturing process. It’s really hard on them, too. So it puts us at a disadvantage with other international manufacturers. So all of this stuff, the details really do matter. It’s why like bumper stickers don’t make good energy policy. You really do need to understand the capital flows and the energy flows to be able to protect the consumer.
Robinson Meyer:
[25:52] Do you think the energy policy, environmental policy, is like an area where it’s good to have villains? I mean, we used to talk about oil and gas companies. I would say green groups, there’s a lot of focus on oil and gas companies as villains. And true to form, Trump’s administration has knocked a lot of clean energy projects back. Now we’re talking about utilities as villains. Are the utilities villains going forward? Are the oil and gas companies villains?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[26:14] If they’re not careful, the entities that are going to be portrayed as villains, and depending on how they manage their community engagement and their sort of benefit to local communities, they could be villains, but they don’t have to be, are going to be the hyperscalers and the data center developers.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[26:39] And unfortunately, a lot of what I am seeing is move fast and break things. Like it’s a very top-down Silicon Valley kind of process where they come into a community and say, hey, you should be really glad we’re here and we’re going to tell you exactly how we’re going to do things. And that’s a recipe for failure. It’s no different than what I saw 20 years ago in the transmission sector when transmission companies thought they could do the same thing in local communities. What they need to do is go into communities and engage and listen. And the first thing people will tell you is, if you’re going to build this data center, don’t raise my rates. And that’s a very reasonable request. They also want good jobs, not crappy jobs. They want you to use water responsibly. And in many communities, they want clean energy as the source of energy for those data centers. And if if developers would approach that process by actually listening at the front end and working with local communities i think you would see a much faster rate of adoption and because frankly many of them some of them are being arrogant it puts at risk a lot of capital and a lot of compute so don’t, you know, like, don’t let yourself be painted as a villain by behaving responsibly
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[28:04] and listening to local communities.
Robinson Meyer:
[28:06] How are data centers playing into this evolving energy politics story? You just gave us a taste, but do you think they’re going to make transmission reform, permitting reform easier or harder in the next few years?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[28:17] I think it depends on whether they get off their rear ends and actually get involved in that conversation. You cannot have the scale and number of data centers that the hyperscalers want without building a lot more transmission and having a more robust grid. That said, they have not been active in these conversations, and that’s a giant mistake. Republicans are just coming around to the fact that they generally, in the past, have not been that interested in transmission, but they’re starting to realize that if they want the benefits and the investment, of these data centers that you kind of have to do the transmission. And that’s a good dynamic because it means that when both sides want something, we can figure out how to write a policy that satisfies both sides.
Robinson Meyer:
[29:12] What are you hearing from Republicans about data centers? Because we notice at Heatmap that it’s a major issue for their constituents and there’s a lot of backlash. You started to hear that from them. And you recently did this electricity affordability roundtable? What were you being told about the effect of data centers on the grid?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[29:29] Well, if you’re not careful with how you structure incremental demand and rates, I think you’re going to see a huge backlash, and Republicans understand that. The key is to actually engage and do good policy so that you’re not passing those incremental costs on to rate payers, customers. They should not bear those costs. The smart thing to do is to say, if we’re going to build this data center, they’re going to pay a premium for the power so that they’re not raising rates on the surrounding community. And if you do it that way, you can build a win-win situation where you have community support. We’ve seen a lot of mistakes out of the gate. And I think it’s for the developers who figure this out and do it in a way that treats local communities with respect and doesn’t raise their rates and sort of checks those other boxes I talked about in terms of quality of workforce and water efficiency, they’re going to have an unending supply of very profitable work. But if you think you’re going to run roughshod over some county and.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[30:48] The truth is, if you’re in a county commission and they have to permit you, and there are five people on the county commission and three are against it, your project’s going away. It’s not getting built. So the lesson there should be genuinely get involved with that local community and figure out what a win-win looks like.
Robinson Meyer:
[31:09] Last question. Can you give us quickly your hit list for transmission reform in a future permitting reform package? Like what is the checklist of things you’d like to see and things you think we can get?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[31:21] I would love to see regional planning that really works. I would love to see grid enhancing technologies incentivized because there’s a lot more we can get out of the existing grid. And that buys us some time for the new big build kind of transmission projects that we need to do. So those are some of the things that I think are really critical.
Robinson Meyer:
[31:43] And those would be like a mandate or a tax credit or something?
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[31:46] I would love to see a tax credit for building in a regional transmission. That would create some economic incentive and some certainty where these are patient capital projects. So anything you can do to incentivize the value stack there gives people the
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[32:02] patience to get through what is often a very long process.
Robinson Meyer:
[32:05] Okay, I know you have to go vote. Thank you, Senator Heinrich. Always good to talk.
Senator Martin Heinrich:
[32:09] Thanks, Rob.
Robinson Meyer:
[32:13] That will do it for us this week. Thank you so much for listening to Shift Key. You can follow me on X at at Robinson Meyer or more actively on Blue Sky or LinkedIn at my name, Robinson Meyer. If you enjoyed Shift Key, please leave us a review on your favorite podcast app or send this episode to your friends. Jesse, I promise, is returning soon. He’s not gone forever. We’ll be back later this week, actually, with another episode of Shift Key. Until then, Shift Key is a production of Heatmap News. Our editors are Jillian Goodman and Nico Loricella. Multimedia editing and audio engineering is by Jacob Lambert and by Nick Woodbury. Our music is by Adam Kromelow. Thank you so much for listening and see you next week.
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
Current conditions: Aside from tides up to two feet above average on Staten Island and Long Island, the powerful nor’easter barreling toward the East Coast is likely to spare New York City • Tropical Storm Nolo is set to hit Hawaii with a potentially historic multi-day deluge • Hurricane Polo is slamming into Mexico’s Pacific coast with dangerous swells and heavy rain.
On Tuesday, President Donald Trump told reporters he had “called for” halting exports of diesel as prices roared to record highs amid a shortage of refining capacity to produce the fuel. On Wednesday, Politico reported that the administration was “preparing” a 90-day export ban. When Secretary of Energy Chris Wright took the stage at Heatmap House, our day-long summit on Wednesday in Midtown Manhattan, he told our executive editor Robinson Meyer that — contrary to the previous comments — the president “didn’t endorse” an export ban. “We are open to any ideas to lower energy prices for Americans,” Wright said at our annual event for New York Climate Week, essentially the amuse bouche before the United Nations climate summit in November. “We have a continual, thoughtful dialog based on the facts on the ground of what are the most practical steps moving forward, and it looks like right now we do need to grow the diesel supply in the United States.”
Former Vice President Al Gore, meanwhile, injected some optimism into the discussion about decarbonization. Reflecting on how climate discourse had evolved since the release of his famous film An Inconvenient Truth 20 years ago, he said booming electric vehicle sales and a global shift to renewables and nuclear power spurred by the energy shock from the war in Iran showed that “these are signs that this thing is really moving into high gear.” He added: “The fossil fuel industry is losing. They know they’re losing, and they’re trying to slow down how quickly they lose.” Yet perhaps one of the best hopes for speeding up deployment of more clean energy dimmed last night when Punchbowl News reported that increasingly bullish talks on permitting reform may be tanking. “The administration and congressional Republicans agreed to a strong bipartisan offer. The Democrats have since refused to take yes for an answer. If they think that the administration is going to freeze these concessions until the lame duck, they are severely mistaken,” a White House official told the outlet.

Later in the afternoon yesterday, I scurried off to the New York Nuclear Symposium, the annual conference organized by the advocacy group Nuclear New York. In the august halls of the New York Bar Association on 44th Street, policy experts and executives debated exactly what was needed to shift the excitement over atomic energy into actual projects with shovels in the ground. While some doubts persisted over how quickly anyone would commit to new fission plants in the U.S., at least beyond the various first-of-a-kind projects currently under development, the American government charged forward with export deals. Earlier this week, the U.S. Trade and Development Agency announced a partnership with Turkey to build as much as 5 gigawatts of small modular reactor power in the country. On Thursday, NucNet reported that Poland’s national nuclear company had reached a deal with the U.S. developers Bechtel and Westinghouse on the commercial terms for the European nation’s first atomic power station, a trio of Westinghouse AP1000s on the Baltic sea.
Meanwhile, the South Korean project manager and builder Samsung C&T unveiled new deals with two SMR companies in the U.S. The company pledged $100 million toward building the next-generation reactors designed by Google-backed Kairos Power. A day later, the company signed onto projects involving GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy’s 300-megawatt reactor, based on a traditional water-cooled design.
Enhanced geothermal leader Fervo Energy announced Thursday morning that it had shipped the first megawatts to the grid from its flagship Cape Station project, nearly three years to the day after breaking ground at the site. The facility in Beaver County, Utah marks a significant scale-up from the company’s earlier Project Red, located in the Blue Mountain geothermal field of Nevada, which began supplying 3.5 megawatts of electricity to the grid in 2023. Cape Station, by contrast, is the company’s first greenfield project. Phase I of the facility consists of three 33-megawatt units, the first of which has begun ramping up, while the remaining two are expected to reach commercial operations by 2027. “I could not be more proud of the years of hard work from Fervo’s employees, investors, suppliers, customers, and partners, which brought us to this moment,” Fervo CEO Tim Latimer said in a statement. “We are just getting started.”
Sign up to receive Heatmap AM in your inbox every morning:
Last month, my colleague Emily Pontecorvo and I reported on the Department of Commerce’s latest import levies on polysilicon, the main ingredient in most solar panels. The restrictions were designed to keep out cheap, subsidized competition from Chinese companies. But the nearly four-month delay in the policy’s implementation opened the door to companies stockpiling foreign-made reactors. To avoid that, the Commerce Department’s Bureau of Industry and Security has issued a temporary rule explaining how it will monitor imports, Solar Power World reported. Starting December 4, polysilicon components in a panel such as wafers, cells, and the finished rigs themselves will have a 15% tariff.
“Flooding the U.S. market with large volumes of imported products is a strategy that companies abroad have long used to undermine American manufacturers,” Andy Park, the global chief executive officer of Hanwha Qcells, said in a statement. “We have repeatedly seen import volumes surge ahead of the implementation of significant U.S. trade or industrial policies, as companies seek to exploit loopholes and gain an unfair advantage before new measures take effect.”
“When it comes to fuels, we have plenty of options, but nothing has hit the jackpot.” That’s what Ernest Moniz, former President Barack Obama’as energy secretary, told me yesterday morning on stage at a Climate Week breakfast hosted by his nonprofit, the EFI Foundation. Just 21% of the world’s end-use energy comes from electricity, meaning 79% comes from molecules — mostly natural gas and oil. The point Moniz, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology-trained physicist, was making was that we need to take green fuels such as hydrogen and biodiesel more seriously. “My bet for scalability is some or multiple colors of hydrogen,” referring to the rainbow of names that denote how hydrogen fuel is produced. Hours later, Hydrogen Insight reported that the German energy giant Uniper had signed “one of the largest” offtake deals ever for aviation fuel made with green hydrogen. As part of the deal, the Düsseldorf-based firm will buy 40,000 metric tons of green fuels for at least the next decade.
The New York State Research and Development Authority announced awards for eight energy storage facilities and 13 large-scale renewable projects on Wednesday, totaling $3.7 billion in private investment. Combined, the projects are expected to pump out 1.7 gigawatts of power. “These newly-contracted large-scale energy projects not only further the growth of clean energy and more than double the utility-scale energy storage that exists currently statewide — but they contribute to New York’s comprehensive, all of the above energy strategy,” Doreen Harris, NYSERDA’s chief executive, said in a statement. “This will help reduce costs for New York ratepayers while continuing to improve the reliability of our state’s grid.”
Tales from a day of “thoughtful dialogues on energy, climate change, and human lives” on Day 3 of New York Climate Week.
“I’m here because I love thoughtful dialogues on energy, climate change, and human lives,” Energy Secretary Chris Wright told my colleague Robinson Meyer this afternoon. “That’s been a passion my whole life, and nothing will change that.”
It’s our passion too — and was a defining theme of Heatmap House on Wednesday at New York Climate Week, with 27 sessions across topics including clean energy development, U.S. climate policy, the future of mobility, climate tech, and reindustrialization. From Wright backpedaling on President Trump’s embrace of a diesel export ban to former Vice President Al Gore asserting that 2026 might mark “the positive tipping point on climate,” it was a full day of news, contrarian opinions, juicy predictions, and lots and lots of coffee (consumed by yours truly).
Early in the day, Carlos Araque, the CEO and co-founder of Quaise, an advanced geothermal company, started things off by addressing the elephant in the room: potentially imminent movement on permitting reform. “It’s always easy to be picky and want for more,” he acknowledged, although he added that “my ask has always been — as far back as 2018 — if you can do for geothermal what you do for oil as in terms of regulatory permitting exclusions, then you’re moving 90% of the way to the goal. So that’s happening — that’s slowly and surely happening.”
Get Heatmap in your inbox daily.
New Jersey Governor Mikie Sherrill also spoke about permitting reform at a local scale. “You cannot simply say to people, ‘Sorry, your bills are just going to keep skyrocketing,’” she stressed. “That is not the answer, which is why we’ve acted so aggressively. I approved 18 solar and battery storage projects in the first six months [of my term]. We knew the federal credits were going to run out if we did not get that done, so that’s why we had to take on permitting reform right away to make sure we were growing that.”
And while Jane Flegal, the principal at Flegal Energy Advisors, didn’t have any secret insight into the potential deal, she broke down her predictions into three buckets: reforms to conventional environmental statutes such as the National Environmental Policy Act, the Clean Water Act, and the National Historic Preservation Act; transmission, “which, no one knows what’s in there, but we all know what was in the Manchin deal, and I think we can and should expect something at least that ambitious;” and permitting certainty, which would constrain executive power to cancel permits after they’ve been issued.
Chris Hayes, the host of All In with Chris Hayes on MS NOW and a former climate reporter, took the stage just after Gore, who marked the 20-year anniversary of his Academy Award-winning documentary An Inconvenient Truth. Like Gore, Hayes was in a reflective mood. “I think to some degree, we’re kind of moving forward in this understanding that all of us are implicated in the system that’s going to change very slowly over time,” he said, calling it one of the lessons of the past 20 years. “But I think there was a high-water mark of consumer activism that is sort of gone.”
Then, of course, there was Wright. The energy secretary — whom climate insiders have described to us as the biggest climate villain in the Trump administration after Trump himself — talked to Rob about as many fuels as they could cover. Wind: “There have been very spirited dialogues in the administration about this. I do believe a successful permitting reform thing changes the playing field for anything you want to build in this country, including wind.” Nuclear: “Our thing is just to try to get it back on its feet and get out of the way.” Natural gas: “Gas in my lifetime is going to be the American energy superpower for sure, but you never want all your eggs in one basket.” Batteries: “I’m all in.” And EVs: “Should we have the broader America subsidizing, you know, the habits of wealthy people? I don’t think we should.”
Another running theme of the day was data centers and AI. “We all feel a little bit used by data centers,” Dawn Lippert, the founder and CEO of Elemental Impact, a nonprofit climate tech investor, and a general partner at Earthshot Ventures, its sister fund, told my colleague, Katie Brigham. “We thought, how can you actually use data centers to do the things that we need to do as society? And pulling forward clean energy technologies and sustainable technologies is one of the most interesting ways that they can be a real service to society.”
That thought was explored further when the evening wrapped with a focus on reindustrialization. Tom Steyer, the co-executive chair of Galvanize Solutions, told us he’s doing fine after his unsuccessful bid for California governor. (Nothing a trip to Tahoe with the family couldn’t cure.) He also shared that the climate movement may have lessons for the modern movement opposing AI and data centers. The world’s richest companies can’t just “come in and take people’s water, especially at a time when people are so water insecure,” he stressed. “How could that possibly be right?”
AI — and water — also came up in conversation with Emilio Tenuta, the senior vice president and chief sustainability officer of Ecolab, which provides industrial and commercial water and hygiene solutions. (Ecolab also sponsored our reindustrialization section.) He argued that “what we really need to focus on is the Water Efficiency Index” when evaluating, for example, semiconductor fabrication plants, because it contextualizes water use in more absolute terms than traditional metrics.
Page Crahan, general manager of Tapestry, an Alphabet X moonshot project that uses AI to develop a model of the grid’s electricity network, zeroed in on how best to use artificial intelligence. “We had 10 years to build what it took us 110 years to build globally” in order to meet anticipated energy demand, she told my colleague Jael Holzman. “And that was in 2023, before data centers.” For “computationally intensive challenges, data-heavy challenges, and certainly running simulations and insights for a system this size,” AI is a good use case, she said.
Tapestry is using its models in partnership with PJM Interconnection (as we’ve covered here at Heatmap) — and speaking of PJM, its executive director of strategic policy and external affairs, Asim Haque, spoke to my colleague Matthew Zeitlin next. “If you do not bring your own new capacity, we are going to curtail you before we curtail your average residential consumer for sure,” he said, adding, “this is a concept that is pending in front of the FERC right now. We can talk about carrots. We can talk about sticks. I don’t know which one this is. I think from the data center perspective, it’s likely a stick.”
Josh Parker, the head of sustainability at Nvidia, rounded the day out on a positive note. “The good news is, we are very quickly unlocking new capacity with clean energy,” he said, including developing new clean energy technologies like advanced fission and geothermal. “All of these technologies are benefiting from AI, and so that, coupled with the fact that data center operators with AI factories generally are some of the largest consumers of clean energy and are still are looking for all the clean energy they can, leads me to believe — and I think this is the most credible forecast — that very soon we’re going to see all of that convert over to clean as soon as we can get through the supply constraints that we’re currently in.”
If you were with us in person, thank you again. You’re what made our event one to remember. And if you weren’t able to join us this year — we hope to see you in 2027.
But wait! Before I send you on your way, you can find all of our coverage of the day below along with some additional quotes from some of my favorite conversations:
The Commonwealth Fusion Systems CEO made his case at Heatmap House.
Without billions in new federal investment the United States may lose its pole position in the global race to be the first nuclear fusion superpower, Commonwealth Fusion Systems CEO Bob Mumgaard told attendees at Heatmap House in New York City.
When asked onstage whether Commonwealth Fusion could still develop its fusion aspirations at scale without U.S. government financing, Mumgaard said: “I think so – it’s a question of the timing and the place.” Then he suggested that the company — and the industry — might go elsewhere if the country doesn’t put more capital into the growing sector. “There are offers on the table to build nuclear fission power plants not in the United States, so we can do that.”
You’d be forgiven if you thought Commonwealth and nuclear fusion was already doing well. The Massachusetts-based pioneer in fusion technologies raised $1 billion in new investment just a couple months ago. Generally speaking, innovation in nuclear power is incredibly popular in Congress, which has an influential bipartisan Fusion Energy Caucus. Commonwealth has received public support from the Trump administration’s Energy Department, as has one of the Heatmap House sponsors, Inertia.
But we’re talking about nuclear fusion, a still-futuristic form of energy generation seeking to harness the power of stars exploding in contained environments. It’s an insanely promising tech moonshot.
Mumgaard said the company is aiming for its tech to provide electrons onto the grid by the 2030s. He also said a Fusion Industry Association request to Congress and the Trump administration for $10 billion of investment might be what’s needed for that power to be American first.
“We debated that [amount] with the industry association, and you have to say what gets the job done. It’s a disservice to lowball what’s needed,” he told my colleague Katie Brigham. “This is a very important thing. It’s an entirely new industry. Let’s treat it as such.”
He added his view that U.S. fusion development is essentially an energy security maneuver, and that competition with China on fusion should be seen as parallel to the race for dominance in artificial intelligence.
“Think about what it means in a technological race. Power is the thing that powers the next economy, right?” Mumgaard said. “All the geostrategic strife we have right now is about power in the form of natural resources. Who has them? What are they? What boats are they on through what body of water? Fusion takes all of that off the table.”