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There’s a whole clean energy revolution happening — yes, even in Pennsylvania.

Fracking is just about the last thing Kamala Harris wants to talk about right now, which may be understandable. In a CNN interview last week — her first major sit-down since becoming the Democratic Party’s official nominee for president — she changed her earlier campaign position on whether the technique used to extract oil and natural gas should be banned. Cries of “Flip-flopper!” are a staple of shallow campaign coverage. The issue is a bit complicated, and could prove awkward in at least one battleground state. And she’d rather spend her limited time attacking Donald Trump on abortion and other issues where she has a clearer advantage.
But when the fracking issue comes up again — and it will — Harris has a great story to tell, one that most Americans are probably unaware of. There’s a green energy revolution underway, but rather than celebrate it, Harris and many other Democratic politicians tend to tiptoe around the issue, apparently terrified that a single infelicitous sentence could turn the supposedly large numbers of pro-fossil fuel voters against them.
We saw that dynamic in action on CNN, when interviewer Dana Bash homed right in on the fact that, running in the presidential primaries in 2020, Harris said she favored a ban on fracking. “Fracking, as you know, is a pretty big issue, particularly in your must-win state of Pennsylvania,” Bash said. “Do you still want to ban fracking?” Like almost every political reporter, Bash has no interest in the benefits and problems fracking presents, or whether banning it is a good or bad idea. The point is to zing Harris for her apparent flip-flop and speculate on whether it will move votes in one of the few swing states.
Harris was determined to allay the concerns of any pro-fracking voters tuning in. “I would not ban fracking,” she said. “As vice president, I did not ban fracking. As president, I will not ban fracking.” Loud and clear!
She did go on to argue that a fracking ban is unnecessary because the Inflation Reduction Act is creating large numbers of green energy jobs, so “we can grow and we can increase a thriving clean energy economy without banning fracking.” To the casual viewer, it probably seemed like a perfectly good answer, but it was also somewhat beside the point. The reason many would like to ban fracking isn’t that it holds back the creation of green jobs. It’s that it entrenches our reliance on fossil fuels and creates environmental and health problems in the areas where it is deployed.
Of course, all those considerations — jobs, the environment, and where we’re getting our energy now and in the future — are interrelated. Which is why there is an opportunity for Harris to use that question to focus voters’ attention on the transformation now taking place.
With one party saying the only thing that matters in energy is drilling for more fossil fuels and the other telling people not to worry because they won’t stop us drilling for more fossil fuels, how many Americans know about the dramatic increase in renewable energy, especially solar, that is now underway? According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, nearly 50 gigawatts of solar power will be added to the grid this year, accounting for 59% of all new electricity generation:
Wind and solar now generate more electricity than coal. Even more remarkable is how inexpensive solar power has become. Since 1990, the price per kilowatt hour of a solar panel has dropped by 98%, and solar has become the least expensive type of new energy to generate. With all the innovation taking place in the renewable energy world — a good deal of it spurred by the investments made by the Biden administration — energy prices are likely to keep coming down as more and more of our power is generated by renewables.
This is a triumphant story of human ingenuity, thoughtful government action, and the operation of the free market. Harris could use it to describe a glorious future of power that is cheap, clean, and nearly limitless, one she is trying to create and Trump is trying to impede. Given that “We won’t go back” is one of her campaign slogans, it would seem like a perfect fit for her. But like many Democrats, she seems wary of saying anything that might spook the relatively small number of people whose livelihoods depend on fracking.
Consider Pennsylvania, the only swing state where this issue is supposed to matter. From the discussion in the political press, you might think the state’s voters are almost unanimous in their devotion to fracking, but that’s just not true. Even there, the public is closely divided on the issue: Some polls have found majorities of Pennsylvanians opposed to fracking, while others show them split down the middle. And while Pennsylvania produces a lot of natural gas that way, the number of people who actually work in fracking in the state is extremely modest, in the low five figures. Yet the assumption of news coverage is that the contrast between the Biden administration’s emphasis on clean energy and Trump’s opposite “Drill, baby, drill” approach can only redound to Trump’s benefit; as one Wall Street Journal article in April was headlined, “A Pennsylvania Fracking Boom Weighs on Biden’s Re-Election Chances.” The Pennsylvanians who are opposed to fracking because of its environmental impacts — or simply see it as something their state no longer needs — are shoved to the periphery of that kind of coverage.
So what if the next time she is asked about why she changed her mind about a fracking ban, Harris took the opportunity to explain to people what the future of energy is actually going to look like, and why it’s so encouraging? She’ll have to do that over the objection (or at the very least the indifference) of the reporters covering her campaign, who neither know nor care about the substance of the climate issue or energy policy. But she should do it anyway. Not only would it be right on the merits, it might even be good politics.
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The administration is attempting to buy back the multinational energy company’s U.S. offshore wind leases.
Interior Secretary Doug Burgum's announcement last month that the administration was cancelling two offshore wind leases and reimbursing the lessee, TotalEnergies, nearly $1 billion, raised a host of questions. What authority was he using to do this? Where would the money come from? Was this legal? Could the Trump administration kill the offshore wind industry by paying it exorbitant sums to go away?
A newly unearthed copy of one of the agency’s official lease cancellation decisions begins to fill in the picture. It confirms what the Department of the Interior has thus far refused to acknowledge: The agency intends to pay TotalEnergies using the Judgment Fund, a cache of public money overseen by the Department of Justice intended for agency settlements.
Tony Irish, a former solicitor in the Department of the Interior, was digging around in a public Bureau of Ocean Energy Management database on Tuesday when he stumbled upon the document, which is dated April 9, 2026 — more than two weeks after Burgum’s lease cancellation announcement.
The document is a letter to Jen Banks, the permitting and development director for TotalEnergies’ Carolina Long Bay project, which is the smaller of the two leases that were cancelled. It says the agency reached a settlement agreement with Carolina Long Bay on March 23, in which the Interior Department “determined that cancelling Lease OCS-A 0545 is in the public interest,” and established that Carolina Long Bay “would have asserted claims in litigation against the United States related to the lease.”
It ends by saying that, pursuant to the settlement agreement, “DOI will, through the Department of Justice, request payment in the amount of $133,333,333 to Carolina Long Bay from the Judgment Fund Branch at the United States Department of Treasury.”
The letter does not include a copy of the settlement agreement or reference the stipulation that TotalEnergies reinvest the money into U.S. oil and gas development, as described in Burgum’s announcement.
While the Judgment Fund is essentially bottomless, there are strict rules about when it can be used. Agencies can draw on it to settle litigation that cannot be remedied by injunctive relief and requires monetary compensation. They can also request a payment from the Judgment Fund to settle “imminent litigation” — claims that have not yet been filed in court.
As there’s no record of claims filed in court, the TotalEnergies settlement likely falls into the latter category. But Irish, the former solicitor, told me it's hard to see how litigation could have been credibly imminent. TotalEnergies’ lease terms, which the Biden administration updated and the company agreed to in January 2025, explicitly state that the lease cannot be canceled “unless and until” the Interior Secretary has suspended operations for at least five years and extended the company’s lease for an equal amount of time. Given that TotalEnergies’ lease is less than five years old — it was purchased in 2022 — and there’s no evidence that it had been under suspension for any period of time, there appears to be little basis for any claim of imminent litigation.
It’s also unclear what claim TotalEnergies could have brought to warrant monetary payment. “It looks like the result of any viable claim TotalEnergies would have brought forth is not monetary damages, but enforcement of this lease provision that requires suspension and extension first,” Irish told me.
There is not yet any decision document in the database for TotalEnergies’ second lease, called Attentive Energy, for which the company stands to receive $795 million in reimbursements. Secretary Burgum will appear before the House Appropriations Committee on Monday morning, where Representative Chellie Pingree of Maine has vowed to question him on the deal. “The appropriations process for Fiscal Year 2027 will be getting underway soon with budget hearings, and I intend to press for answers,” she said in a statement shared with me by email in March. “Secretary Burgum should be prepared to provide them.”
According to more than 70 people who helped implement it.
There has been no shortage of post-mortems on the Inflation Reduction Act, Joe Biden’s crowning climate policy achievement that was swiftly dismantled by the Trump administration less than three years after going into effect. And yet there’s been little public reflection on the law from the individuals who were entrusted with actually implementing it.
A new report by three former Biden administration staffers shared exclusively with Heatmap offers that inside perspective, looking at what it took to roll out the nearly 30 clean energy tax credits and associated bonus provisions in the law and what future policymakers and officials can learn from the effort. In the wake of extraordinary federal staffing cuts under Trump, the authors also wanted to create a blueprint that a future administration could use to build back capacity and implement similarly ambitious policy.
“There was an enormous amount of interagency collaboration,” Dorothy Lutz, who served as a senior policy advisor in Biden’s White House, told me. “We wanted to take the time to preserve the lessons learned across as many of the agencies as possible, anticipating that there would have to be some future capacity-building and making sure that we were starting on day one building on the successes and not needing to go through the same learning curve.”
Lutz compiled the report with Ted Lee, the former deputy assistant secretary for tax policy and delivery at the Treasury Department, and Emily Barkdoll, a former strategic and policy design analyst at the Department of Energy. Each of them has since moved on to roles in either the private sector or state governments. The trio released the report independently with financial support from a philanthropy called the Navigation Fund.
Past analyses have highlighted the IRA’s failure to build a political coalition for clean energy and the lack of public awareness about the law. This new report, which draws on more than 70 interviews with officials across the federal government, is more interested in the mechanics of the policies — how they were written, how they were administered, and why some tax credits were more effective than others. Here are three key takeaways.
While the Biden administration was often taken to task for working too slowly, the report makes the case that the government machinery was turning more quickly than ever before in the years following the IRA’s passage.
The Treasury Department published 96 pieces of tax credit guidance — more than 5,000 pages — in 26 months, as well as hundreds of additional resources for taxpayers. That’s nearly triple what the department achieved over a similar time period when it implemented Trump’s 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. It also created new online portals and processes to replace antiquated paper systems.
“What allowed that to happen, and is an important historical precedent for the future, is the funding for the IRS — $80 billion that was included in the Inflation Reduction Act — along with funding for Treasury and the Office of Tax Policy to actually do the implementation work required,” Lee told me.
The IRA created enormous demand for attorneys with tax and regulatory expertise, both inside and outside the federal government, and the Treasury Department struggled to compete with the private sector for top talent. “To put it bluntly,” the report says, “there simply were not enough of these highly skilled, highly talented staff” considering the large number of new and modified tax provisions to implement.
The next time Congress passes a policy package of this magnitude and complexity, it should unlock the ability for agencies to offer more competitive compensation, the authors told me, either through more flexible pay scales or the creation of temporary, higher-paid positions. Barkdoll also emphasized the need for faster hiring processes — she said that roughly seven months passed between when she applied for her role at the DOE and when she was onboarded.
A related challenge stemmed from the wide-ranging expertise required to develop guidance on the tax credits. While the Treasury led the process, closely collaborating with the DOE, it relied on input from many other agencies — the Environmental Protection Agency on lifecycle analysis of greenhouse gas emissions, the Department of Agriculture on biofuels markets, the Department of Labor on prevailing wage and apprenticeship requirements, the Department of Housing and Urban Development on the low-income communities bonus, to name just a few examples. All of these agencies were housed in different buildings, and the government did not have good systems for digital collaboration.
Other than the DOE, none of these agencies were allocated additional funding to undertake this advisory work. Career staffers were “finding the space in their day job to lend their expertise to this,” Barkdoll said. “It was an unnecessary friction.” The fact that, in most cases, the legislation did not explicitly direct the Treasury to consult with these agencies also created uncertainty over who had the authority to weigh in on any given credit.
The reason all hell failed to break loose, according to the report, was the creation of the White House Office of Clean Energy Innovation and Implementation. Led by John Podesta, the group served as a central clearinghouse and coordinator for interagency communications and acted as the final arbiter of decisions in cases of disagreement. The authors are emphatic that future ambitious policy efforts should repeat this approach.
Part of what made the IRA so ambitious is also what made it incredibly complicated to implement. The tax credits were not just designed to incentivize clean energy deployment. Several were written with the explicit requirement of reducing greenhouse gas emissions, requiring complex lifecycle emissions calculations. Others were engineered to spur domestic manufacturing, bring economic development to low-income communities, and create good-paying jobs.
The statute was not always clear about how implementers should prioritize these different goals, which sometimes conflicted with one another. For example, the lack of domestic supply for many clean energy components created tradeoffs between the goals of the domestic content bonus credit and clean energy deployment. Lenient rules for the domestic content bonus might have failed to enhance domestic supply chains, while too-strict rules would have removed any incentive for companies to source locally.
Perhaps the clearest example of these kinds of trade-offs was the clean hydrogen production tax credit. “The hydrogen tax credit was, like, the ‘final boss’ of all of the challenges that we talk about,” Lutz told me. It was designed to reward producers on a sliding scale depending on how clean their hydrogen was, but the science behind making that kind of calculation was new and rapidly evolving. The credit was also extremely generous, meaning that the stakes of getting the balance right were high. Clean hydrogen is also a nascent industry in the U.S., with very few operating projects, which exacerbated the pressure.
In the end, Treasury erred on the side of issuing more rigorous rules that would ensure lower greenhouse gas emissions, at the risk of limiting uptake of the credit from taxpayers and growth of the hydrogen industry.
In general, the report warns that credits that require precise calculations of the emissions associated with a given process will always present a challenge. “These calculations are rarely straightforward and are often the subject of ongoing methodological disputes, even within the scientific community,” it says.
The report emphasizes that the tax credits were most effective when they supported more mature markets where the biggest barrier was cost; when they were written with straightforward policy goals; and when they were relatively easy for taxpayers to claim. The $7,500 credit for electric vehicles, for example, was highly successful for all of those reasons: The primary barrier to EV uptake for consumers was cost, and the design of the credit, which enabled dealers to reduce the vehicle price at the time of sale, made it incredibly easy to claim.
That being said, the authors don’t want policymakers to think they’re arguing for reduced ambition. “The federal government can and should do highly ambitious policy, and I hope that our report can be used by folks to take the next steps to do so,” Lutz said. “What we are trying to articulate is making sure that for each specific tool, you understand what the intended policy goal is, and then you design it to directly influence that behavior as sharply as possible.”
On a rare earth jumpstart, Constellation’s warning, and V.C. Summer
Current conditions: Super Typhoon Sinlaku made landfall over America’s Pacific territories as the strongest storm in the world, walloping the Northern Mariana Islands with 42-foot waves • New York City’s forecast high of 88 degrees Fahrenheit could break the the 87-degree record set for this day in 1941 • Equatorial Guinea faces flooding as heavy thunderstorms are on track to continue for at least the next week.

The United States’ blockade of Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz is confirmed to be in effect. A Financial Times analysis of tracking data showed several tankers transiting the waterway “either stopped or turned around.” While “several cargo ships that had come from Iranian ports, including at least two sanctioned tankers, attempted to cross the narrow waterway in the hours after the embargo came into effect on Monday,” reporters Alice Hancock and Steff Chávez wrote, “none have gone further than the mouth of the Gulf of Oman.”
China, whose vessels previously passed through the Strait of Hormuz even as Iran blocked the route for ships coming from or heading to Washington’s Arab allies on the opposite shore of the Persian Gulf, called the U.S. naval siege “dangerous and irresponsible.” With Tehran stopping ships coming from the Gulf Cooperation Council nations and the Americans intercepting vessels from Iranian ports, “the de facto result of it is that no one is really going to be able to leave the Gulf,” Cornell University’s Nicolas Mulder told Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin. “And that’s kind of where I see this game theoretically ending up.”
Tactical Resources Corp wants to develop a rare earth mine in the area southeast of El Paso, Texas, where rich deposits have drawn a few investors to what could become a hub for the state’s production of the metals needed for modern energy and weapons technologies. But even under the best case scenario, it’ll be a while before the company produces minerals from its site. And demand for domestically supplied rare earths is only going up. So the company has found a faster way to get material to market. In March, the startup bought a long-running quarry near its mining site that already produces the Union Pacific railway’s ballast, the sharp, angular rocks that form the track bed. On Wednesday, I can exclusively report for this newsletter, Tactical Resources plans to announce that it has secured 1.5 million tons of “crushed aggregate feedstock” – tailings from the years of ballast mining — that “appear to contain consistent” levels of rare earth ores. The company said the stockpiled waste material “is expected to serve as a potential near-term feedstock” for the company’s Peak Rare Earth Project, the hard-rock mine located near the quarry. “With approximately 1.5 million tons of material now secured,” Ranjeet Sundher, Tactical Resources’ chief executive, told me in a statement, “we are positioning the Peak Project to advance without the delays typically associated with a new mine development.”
The company’s shift comes as mineral extraction methods once derided as poor alternatives for new large-scale mining gain new ground. Last month, the Trump administration, which sought to clear the way for more mining last year, offered up to $500 million for companies promising to commercialize novel ways of refining and recycling rare earths, as I reported at the time.
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The top boss of the nation’s largest operator of nuclear and geothermal power stations, said the U.S. is “very behind” China in the race to build up enough energy to feed the data centers needed for artificial intelligence. Speaking at Tuesday’s Semafor World Economy conference in Washington, D.C., Constellation Energy Group CEO Joseph Dominguez said “we’re in some trouble” if the U.S. plan was to keep pace with China’s construction of power plants. “If this is going to be a race between China and the U.S. to build energy, might as well call it a day,” he said. Since 2010, he noted, China has added the equivalent capacity of the entire U.S. electrical system 1.5 times over. America’s best bet, Dominguez said, was to take advantage of how little of the U.S. system is currently being used by clearing space on the wires by managing peak energy demand. “It’s imperative that we win this ... for the defense of the nation and our way of life,” he said, and called for a national policy to supplant state-by-state approval processes. “If NIMBYism becomes the reason we lose the AI race, for whatever reason, we’re in a whole lot of trouble in this country.”
Back in March 2025, Tyler Norris, at the time a Duke University researcher, published an influential paper detailing how the U.S. could add gigawatts of additional data center capacity simply by having those server farms dial down power usage during hours when the grid is stressed. It represented, as Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin put it, “one weird trick for getting more data centers on the grid.” That the idea is now being all but endorsed by the top executive of a company that benefits from building more power generation shows how urgent the need is to come up with creative solutions to get around the bottlenecks for building new power stations. At the time, Norris — now part of a recently-assembled elite team of energy experts at Google — told me such an approach would also buy time to plan out what kind of new generation makes the most sense for the U.S. instead of just buying more gas turbines. It’s becoming a problem elsewhere. On Tuesday, the NAACP filed a lawsuit against Elon Musk’s xAI, accusing the company behind the Grok chat bot of illegally polluting the air with exhaust from the gas-fired turbines powering its data center complex south of Memphis, Tennessee.
Slate Auto has secured a much-needed cash infusion as the Jeff Bezos-backed electric vehicle startup scales up its manufacturing capacity ahead of the launch later this year of its affordable, mass-market pickup. The company said Monday it raised $650 million to prepare its plant in Warsaw, Indiana, before production begins “by the end of this year,” InsideEVs reported. The starting price for the company’s vehicle is expected to come out to about $25,000.
Another Bezos-related electric vehicle maker, the Amazon-backed Rivian, inked a deal with battery recycler Redwood Materials to repurpose 100 of the automaker’s lithium-ion packs for grid-scale energy storage. As part of the agreement, Rivian will provide the batteries to Redwood, which will integrate them into one of its grid-scale battery products. The power will be consumed on site by Rivian’s factory in Normal, Illinois. “At the same time, the massive amount of domestic battery assets already in the U.S. market represents a strategic energy resource,” JB Straubel, Redwood Materials founder and chief executive, said in a statement. “Our partnership with Rivian shows how EV battery packs can be turned into dispatchable energy resources, bringing new capacity online quickly, supporting critical manufacturing, and reducing strain on the grid without waiting years for new infrastructure. This is a scalable model for how we add meaningful energy capacity in the near term.”
Santee Cooper, South Carolina’s state-owned utility company, has given itself two years to decide whether a $2.7 billion deal to revive the state’s failed nuclear expansion will come to fruition. In December, the company reached a tentative agreement with New York investment firm Brookfield Asset Management, the majority owner of the Westinghouse Electric Company, to buy two partially built AP1000 reactors at the V.C. Summer nuclear plant. But Brookfield still hasn’t finalized the deal, according to the South Carolina Daily Gazette. Santee Cooper plans to outline the next steps for the project in June.
The Trump administration, meanwhile, is honing its plans for building nuclear power in space. On Tuesday, the White House released a six-page policy memo outlining its multi-agency strategy to produce a “nearterm demonstration and use of low- to mid-power space reactors in orbit and on the lunar surface.” Federal agencies, the memo read, “will establish cost-effective partnerships with private-sector innovators to meet near-term objectives that include safely deploying nuclear reactors in orbit as early as 2027 and on the Moon as early as 2030.”
An era of small-scale solar panels that can generate power from spaces as small as balconies may be upon us here in New York. The state is considering a bill that would allow for the installation and grid connection of small-scale panels that apartment dwellers — even renters — could easily afford and install. Data Gothamist cited from the plug-in solar advocacy group Bright Saver suggests the panels can offshore power usage by 10% to 25%. “Most New York City residents live in rental apartments and multi-family dwellings, so up until now, they really haven’t had a way to take any advantage of solar options,” state Senator Liz Krueger, a Democrat who represents Manhattan’s East Side and the bill’s sponsor, told the news site. “This really is a game-changer because frankly, anybody who’s got about $300 can go buy one of these.”