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President Trump signed nine binders of executive orders in front of an arena full of supporters on Monday night, with actions ranging from a regulatory freeze to requiring all federal workers to return to the office full-time. While the full implications of Trump’s Day One actions for energy and climate are still unfolding, one of the most consequential executive orders so far — a sweeping rollback of 80 of former President Joe Biden’s executive orders — quietly paved the way for the return of Schedule F, which converts at least 50,000 career civil servants to “at-will” political employees. He later formally reinstated Schedule F during a signing in the White House.
Trump first signed an executive order creating the new employment category in October 2020, though Biden reversed it shortly after taking office via Executive Order 14003 — Protecting the Federal Workforce. While Trump didn’t have much time to implement the policy last time around, he revoked Executive Order 14003 in his omnibus executive order targeting Biden’s policies just hours into his second shot at the presidency. The move cued up his formal reinstatement of Schedule F Monday evening. “Most of those bureaucrats are being fired,” Trump boasted during a speech at the Capital One Arena in Washington, D.C., ahead of the signing on Monday night. “They’re gone. Should be all of them but some sneak through; we have to live with a couple, I guess.”
As I’ve written before, the reclassification is designed to “make it easier to replace ‘rogue’ or ‘woke’ civil servants and would-be whistleblowers, a.k.a. ‘the deep state,’ with party-line faithful.” The Trump administration has characterized it as giving him “full control of the government,” with the Schedule F-specific Executive Order issued under the title “Restoring Accountability to Policy-Influencing Positions Within the Federal Workforce.” Russ Vought, Trump’s controversial pick to lead the Office of Management and Budget and the mind behind Schedule F, has further said that it is the aim of the policy to give a “whole-of-government unwinding” to the “climate fanaticism” of the Biden years.
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The most concerning part of the Schedule F policy is the anticipated loss of institutional knowledge. “What we’re going to end up with is an executive branch that’s just uninformed,” Daniel Farber, the director of the Center for Law, Energy, and the Environment at the University of California, Berkeley, previously told me. Climate-related experts, in particular, could face replacement by “spoils system” hires.
Democratic Senator Andy Kim of New Jersey drilled Vought on Schedule F during the OMB nominee’s confirmation hearing last week, during which Vought insisted the goal of the policy “was not to fire anyone” but rather to ensure federal employees “do a good job or they may not be in those positions for longer.” He additionally told Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal that he did not believe it would be unconstitutional for Trump to impound funds appropriated by Congress — including, potentially, unspent funds in the Inflation Reduction Act or the CHIPS for America Act.
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to reflect Trump’s signing of an executive order reinstating Schedule F.
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There is a heat wave in Europe, the world’s fastest warming continent. And so, as you may have heard, a perennial topic of online climate discourse has returned: Why don’t more Europeans have air conditioning?
I’m partially convinced this is psy op, or at least a figment of how social media organizes attention. I have a hypothesis that various “For You” page algorithms, especially that of the social network X, began to reward content that performed unusually well across national borders a few years ago. Since then, the amount of America vs. Europe content has surged. (Of course, writers have been comparing American and European lifestyles for much longer than that.)
Suffice it to say, though: It’s a fraught topic. I’ve assumed that as extreme heat gets worse as the climate changes, Europeans will simply get on with it and install AC, much as Americans in the Pacific Northwest have done. Yet there are cultural and regulatory obstacles to AC’s growth in Europe.
I’m sure I’ll write about it in the future, but for now I want to get a grip on the facts themselves. And so as a Friday special, I present to you — the facts about European AC, as I understand it:
Thanks so much for reading, and talk soon.
The movement against data centers is raising up a raison d'etre of the anti-renewables movement: protecting would-be farmland.
Farm owners and operators across the U.S. are winning national headlines almost every week for rejecting big dollar offers from data center developers. In Hanover County, Virginia, protestors are chanting “Grow Tomatoes, Not Data Centers.” In Pennsylvania and elsewhere, Republican legislators are mulling proposals to block the sale of so-called “prime farmland” for data center development. In Texas, the fight over data center development has engulfed the race for the state’s ag commissioner seat. In the Midwest, where agriculture reigns supreme, statewide races and congressional campaigns are slowly but surely being defined by the issue. Like in Nebraska where Austin Ahlman, an independent candidate running for Congress in Nebraska’s first district, told me he believes the data center backlash is reflective of a populist politics that broadly criticize elites and top-down control of the economy: “I think sometimes people misunderstand the anxieties of rural Americans when it comes to these data centers because a lot of their fears are about control long term.”
Unlike the farmland backlash around renewable energy development, the loudest critics are on the anti-monopolist left. On Wednesday, the prominent opposition group Food and Water Watch signaled farmland could soon be a watchword in the national data center debate – in a fashion analogous to what we’ve seen with renewable energy. The organization’s blog post entitled “The AI Data Center Boom Is Coming for Farmers” declared data centers verboten because of the threat they posed to “small and midsized family farmers.” Mitch Jones, deputy director of the campaign outfit, said he believes the threat to farmland is “a compelling reason to oppose data center development” but that his organization’s fight is primarily focused on protecting small business owners and an anti-monopoly sentiment.
“If data centers are coming into their areas, this puts even more pressure on them. It drives up the cost of their electricity, just as it does anyone else. It competes with them for water for crops, and it affects the value of their land in a perverse way,” Jones told me.
None of this should be surprising. An agricultural workforce has always been a good barometer for figuring out if a community will accept new infrastructure of any kind. We’ve seen as much time and time again with renewable energy, carbon capture, fossil energy and mining, just to name a few industries.
This same rule is true with data centers. In April, county commissioners in Kosciusko County, Indiana, unanimously rejected a Prologis data center; nearly 90% of acreage in Kosciusko County is being actively farmed, according to the Heatmap Pro database. Linn County, Iowa, in February enacted a rule severely restricting data center development in unincorporated areas; almost three-fourths of the land is used by the ag sector. A potential Amazon facility is causing heartburn in Clinton County, Ohio; nearly all land in the county is used for farming and utility-scale solar development has a recent history of conflict with landowners.
To be candid, I’m struck by the similarity in the backlash over siting data centers on farmland – a resemblance so close that some counties are starting to restrict renewable energy and data center development on farmland at the same time. This week, Eau Claire County, Wisconsin created a new “farmland preservation plan” discouraging utility-scale solar energy and data centers on any potential farmland. (More than 40% of land in this county is currently being used for farmland, according to Heatmap Pro.)
Jones at Food and Water Watch said his organization taking on the “protect farmland” mantle had nothing to do with the success this argument has had against renewable energy. “That thought never entered my head,” he told me, adding that if communities respond to the data center backlash by taking steps that short-circuit solar and wind too, that’s “a coincidence.”
I kept pressing. What if the pivot to farmland protection leads to more communities restricting renewable energy along with the data centers? “If you’re looking for a reason to oppose solar and wind, you can come up with that without having to attach data centers to it,” Jones said. “We’ve seen rural communities oppose solar and wind before data centers blew up across the country. It’s nothing new.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Virginia Beach, Virginia – The right-wing interest group lawsuit against Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind is now dead, concluding one of the wackier tales of the Trump 2.0 energy era.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – Call it the Box Elder County massacre.
3. Davidson County, Tennessee – We have the latest updates in the Nashville Zoo data center drama and they’re a doozy and a half.
4. Clark County, Ohio – Yet another utility-scale solar farm is in the Ohio state permitting graveyard.