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The startup from Quilt and Gradient alums emerges from stealth today.

Kitting out your home with heat pumps can mean embarking on a serious construction project. Contractors have to map out how to run the various pipes and drains necessary to connect the system’s indoor and outdoor components through the walls of your house — a bespoke process since each home is different. Some projects involve installing or updating ductwork. Either way, the contractor usually needs to coordinate with an electrician, and sometimes with the local utility if the house requires a service upgrade.
All this complexity is a big part of why installing heat pumps — especially minisplits, compact units that heat and cool a single room rather than the whole house — is so expensive. Merino Energy, a startup that emerged from stealth today, is aiming to simplify the process and bring heat pumps to the masses with the Merino Mono, an all-in-one, wall-mounted heat pump that can plug into a 120-volt outlet and be installed in just one hour.
Among climate hard-tech startups, heat pump innovators are a pretty small group. There’s Gradient, which introduced a window heat pump to the market in 2022, enabling renters to access the technology. Then there’s Quilt, which redesigned the standard minisplit heat pump with a sexier looking facade and improved user interface, attempting to make it as envy-inducing as a Tesla.
Merino has some DNA from both of those companies. Its founders are Mary-Ann Rau, the former lead firmware engineer for Quilt, and Brad Hall, the former director of mechanical engineering for Gradient. The Merino Mono mounts onto the wall like Quilt’s minisplit, requiring a professional installation team, but it has no outdoor unit, reducing the time it takes to deploy. It’s nearly as simple as Gradient’s window unit, but it doesn’t take up space in the window or require a specific type of window to work.
“We like to say that we're the Goldilocks solution between a temporary window heat pump, which a renter might consider, and a permanent whole-home solution that is as expensive as a car,” Rau told me.
Rau was inspired to start the company after her own eye-opening experience trying to install heat pumps in her 1906 San Francisco Victorian. She thought solar panels were going to be the biggest investment she’d make in her home, so she was shocked when heat pump installers quoted her $35,000 to $40,000 to electrify her heating. Unlike solar panels, which directly reduce electricity bills, any potential savings from switching to heat pumps will be too small to pay off the upfront cost. (Whether heat pumps save you money at all depends on what you were using to heat your home previously and whether or not you already had air conditioning.)
“When I realized that it was out of reach for me, I started to wonder how this was going to be adopted by the majority of Americans,” Rau told me. “I started digging into, how much does the hardware really cost? Is this a problem that's going to be solved with economies of scale? And the answer is no, because at the end of the day, installation is what makes it really expensive.”
Rau was working for Apple at the time on the AirPods team. She joined Quilt in 2023, but she soon came to the conclusion that minisplits were fundamentally flawed as a form factor. The need to run lines of refrigerant through the walls — and take the time to design those routes, and sometimes even open up the walls to install them — was exactly what made the systems so expensive.
Rau left Quilt in 2024 and embarked on a quest to learn how different kinds of heat pumps worked, aiming to bring all of the components that are typically divided between the indoor and outdoor unit into one wall-mounted device. One of the first units she took apart was a cheap, portable heat pump by the legacy brand Midea that sits on the ground and has a hose that hooks up to the window. She told me that the fact that that unit could be sold for a few hundred bucks confirmed her theory that the hardware itself wasn’t that expensive, and that cutting down the cost of labor was key. She later enlisted Hall to help her miniaturize the components of a minisplit and build a compact system that exchanges heat with the outdoors through two small holes drilled through the wall behind it.
Merino isn’t the first to come up with such a concept. There’s already a heat pump company called Ephoca, the U.S. subsidiary of an Italian HVAC company, that sells a similar device called AIO — short for “all-in-one.” The AIO is about the same size as the Mono, has comparable technical specifications, and also exchanges heat with the outdoors through two small holes drilled through the wall.
Where Merino differs is the company’s transparent pricing and focus on the installer and customer experience. Merino customers don’t have to go through the process of getting quotes and vetting contractors. Instead, the company has a dedicated network of partner installers who offer the Mono for a flat rate of $3,800 per unit. While Ephoca does not publicly list the price for its wall-mounted AIO, I found a case study that reported all-in costs of $5,000 to $6,000 per unit.
So far, Merino has six dedicated installers, all based in California. Rau said her partner contractors will make twice as much per hour on each job installing Merino’s heat pumps as they would installing minisplits because of how much time they’ll save. “If it takes them eight hours to install a minisplit, they are actually not making very high margins on that sale, even though the product is very expensive,” she said.
When I asked her about what else differentiates the Mono from the AIO, she emphasized that it comes with all of the components needed for installation right in the box and requires no customization.
Ultimately, the variability between houses, and — perhaps more significantly — between climates, means that no single heat pump design can unlock widespread adoption. To bring all the components into one indoor device, Merino had to make a number of trade-offs. The Mono is designed to perform well in smaller spaces — 350 square feet or less — so it won’t help homeowners with open floorplans. It’s also tuned to work efficiently within the mild temperatures of the Golden State, but it would be expensive to run in significantly hotter or colder areas. Rau said the company may develop a cold climate product in the future, but that’s not the focus right now.
Quilt, for its part, is bullish on minisplits remaining a big part of the market. “Ductless is one of the fastest-growing segments in HVAC, 87% of contractors already offer installation, and Quilt has scaled to over 100 Certified Partners across 30+ states and provinces in under a year,” Mark Schmidt, Quilt’s chief revenue officer, said in an email. “The market and installer demand speak for themselves.” As of December, when the company raised a $20 million Series B, it had installed nearly 1,000 units.
Merino did its first commercial installations last week at an affordable housing project in Richmond, California. Rau’s hope is that the company can help make California’s target of installing 6 million heat pumps by 2030 a reality.
“If you do the math right now, the pace of installation for California, it would take until 2045 to install 6 million heat pumps,” she said. “So we need a dramatic shift in the market, a catalyst that speeds up installation by a factor of eight to 10. And that's what you get with Merino.”
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Catching up with the American Council on Renewable Energy’s Ray Long.
Today’s chat is with Ray Long, CEO of the American Council on Renewable Energy. We first discussed the odds of permitting reform a year and a half ago, for one of the first Q&As in The Fight. Flash forward and we’re still in the same situation, but now also wrestling with added demand for electricity to power data centers. I wanted to talk again about whether he thought the rise of artificial intelligence would increase the odds of some federal deal happening any time soon. The result: a wide-reaching conversation about the future of the electric grid, the struggles to win community buy-in and the sclerotic nature of the U.S. Congress.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Do you think the buildout of our energy grid is entwined with the rise of the nation’s data center buildout?
When you look at what we need over the next four years — 166 gigawatts, 15 times the peak load of New York City — that’s a lot of power to build. Roughly half of that is for data center and AI growth.
There are five things we can build in the next four years at scale to address that collective amount. First, it’s transmission — the transmission buildout will help to get a modern grid to enable power flow to where it’s needed in a much more effective way. That’s the first step because if we just build all that power, the current grid can’t handle it.
Second, there are four supply technologies that can be built: solar, batteries, wind, and natural gas. All four of those technologies, we know there’s enough equipment here in the U.S. available for purchase that we can build at volume. And I’ll say this — natural gas is only about 10% of all those gigawatts because of the availability of turbines from suppliers. You can’t get enough over the next four years. So when I talk about decarbonization, most of what is built to address this issue is zero-carbon resources, renewable energy resources.
If you were to compare the current conversation around data center development to the debate over developing renewable energy in the U.S. — or energy in general — do you see any similarities or differences?
There are always issues with permitting projects. Communities are always going to have concerns about what’s built in their backyards.
What’s new — and your polling shows this — is the level of concern communities have. But here’s the thing: Most of this can be overcome by developers going in, listening to what the needs of the communities are, then responding and through the permitting process addressing those concerns. You can’t do that 100% of the time. But my experience is, when you take that sort of approach, you can overcome a lot of it.
Most of the large data centers are actually doing the things I’m discussing — going in and saying, Look, we want to be grid interconnected because grid connection at the end of the day means the resources we’re bringing to bear are also going to make a stronger grid. Number two, it's investing in power generation sources like the ones I said — and those power sources will be on the grid, so they’ll solve for the increased power demands of a community.
Third, water. They should bring the water solutions. You’re seeing data centers coming in and saying it head on now, that they have closed-loop systems or whatever the solution is. At the end of the day, the communities they’re proposing these in have a real negotiating opportunity to make sure they’re holding the data center developers accountable to the needs of the community.
For a community to say we don’t want it here misses a real opportunity for those communities to get the power they need, the grid they need, and the ability to bring down energy costs.
How is the data center debate affecting permitting reform conversations in Washington, from your perspective?
Permitting reform in the U.S. at the state and federal level has been broken for years. The SunZia transmission project? It took 17 years to permit. Ribbon-cutting is in a week or two and there’s still litigation around it. From a business perspective, it’s just untenable, and it’s a miracle that the project is getting built. Developers need a chance to come in and have their project evaluated. Both the community and the developer should be able to get to a go or no-go in a couple of years on one of these projects.
How is data center growth affecting the permitting reform discussion? It’s a very hot issue right now. Right now I think in part because the data center issue is so huge — because we’ve only got four years to solve for the first really big tranche of power we need and prices across the board for electricity are escalating — this is coming to a head. The data center load is a part of the catalyst to get people talking about it [permitting reform].
Do you expect legislating in Congress on permitting reform this year? Anything beyond more conversation?
My hope is that we get a bill. A few weeks ago someone from the administration was quoted as saying they wanted a framework for a bill by the end of May, and it’s June now. We haven’t seen both sides or the administration coalesce around a final project yet.
We’re in a midterm election cycle. Typically it’s very difficult during these cycles to move bills like this. At the same time, with electricity prices increasing and the need to build more, to fix this, I’m very hopeful something will come together. And look at the Senate — you’ve got Republicans and the Democratic ranking members talking about this. It’s all good signs.
If everyone’s talking about energy and affordability during this election, isn’t that a good thing for action in the next Congress?
I’ll say this: You’re seeing the catalyst for it right now with prices rising, and almost every grid operator around the country has raised concerns about shortages at some point this year or next year. It’ll hopefully be enough to have policymakers do something about it this year.
Plus more of week’s biggest development fights.
1. Ohio — This state might just be the most important flashpoint in the national fight over advanced energy and tech infrastructure.
2. Laramie County, Wyoming — The Cowboy State’s capital city is one of the few to reject a data center moratorium. But tech companies. don’t get your hopes up too high.
3. Los Angeles County, California — Elsewhere, we saw the first city in California vote to ban data centers … once and for all.
4. Charles County, Maryland — This populous county south of D.C. is now out of reach for data center development.
5. Baldwin County, Alabama — There will be a vote at the end of this month on whether to ban solar in the county whose opposition nearly prompted a statewide moratorium on development.
6. Hopkins County, Texas — I have one last update related to a large data center legal fight we’ve been covering closely.
The national AI data center moratorium has momentum.
As I’ve been documenting for months here at The Fight, data center opposition is surging across the country. Our latest Heatmap Pro poll puts some very hard numbers behind that picture. More than 7 in 10 Americans oppose new data center construction near where they live, up from just over 4 in 10 last fall. Part of what’s driving that opposition: More than half of respondents hold data centers largely responsible for rising electricity prices, and nearly half are pessimistic about the effect artificial intelligence will have on their lives.
Here’s yet another data point from our poll that underscores the intensity of the opposition: A majority of Americans now say they support a nationwide halt to new data center construction.
Digging into demographics, support for a national AI data center moratorium breaks predictably based on age and gender — younger people are more likely to back the idea, as are women. Americans are just as likely to back moratoria in their own states as they are a national stop to development, indicating the public relations rot may run deep amongst its critics in the public.
The notion of an AI data center moratorium comes from the political left, specifically Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who introduced the first bill to enact such a pause earlier this year. Yet its appeal straddles political lines. Among Democrats, 66% said they’d back a national moratorium, compared to just 19% opposed; in the Republican camp, 55% said they backed the idea, compared to 28% opposed. Independents echoed those views as well, with answers falling neatly in between the two sides (58% support, 21% oppose).
The surge in support for a country-wide stop to new data centers stands in contrast to the more hesitant attitude politicians of all stripes have shown toward the opposition movement. That includes the White House, which until this week embraced a deregulatory approach to fostering AI tech before abruptly changing course this week and seeking early access to new models.
A good example of this political distance exists in Missouri, where Republican Governor Mike Kehoe last month proudly declared that Google was investing $15 billion in a hyperscale data center project in the rural town of New Florence in Montgomery County. After Kehoe’s announcement, the White House’s rapid response media account joined in on celebrating this economic investment, touting the potential for “thousands of construction jobs and hundreds of permanent jobs” from the Google project.
Among the hoi polloi, however, discontent was rife. This was actually the second large data center project in New Florence, and locals in and around this town of fewer than 1,000 residents have been busy suing the county to halt a separate Amazon data center proposed directly across from Google’s project.
Montgomery County is incredibly conservative politically and “has voted red since I can’t even remember,” Sabrina Cope, an organizer with opposition group Preserve Montgomery County, told me over the phone. “They’re turning up their nose at the White House’s support for these kinds of projects. This isn’t an issue solely Democrats or Republicans are upset about.” (The White House did not respond to a request for comment.)
The political mismatch here is also bipartisan.
In New York, state legislators on Thursday passed legislation to enact a one-year pause on new data center permitting. The bill now goes to the desk of New York’s governor, Democrat Kathy Hochul, who has signaled she’s against a broad moratorium. “This is a local decision for municipalities,” Hochul told reporters last month, according to a Politico report. “It’s not a statewide approach, necessarily, but it’s something I’m looking at intensely.”
The scene in the Empire State feels eerily similar to what happened in the Pine Tree State when Maine Democrats sought to enact a moratorium, only to be stymied by a veto from Governor Janet Mills, also a Democrat. Should Hochul spurn the state legislature, it would defy what our polls say is the overwhelming political opinion.
Our poll also found rural voters are almost 10 points more likely than suburban and urban denizens to support a moratorium on new data centers. Knowing how often land use conflicts occur in upstate New York, where voters skew Republican, the yeoman’s calculus in both parties might lead more politicians to support temporarily stopping or stalling data center industry growth.
In Illinois, we’re starting to see policy start to align at least a little more closely with what Democratic voters want. On Friday, Governor J.B. Pritzker announced he would pause data center tax breaks and ask the state legislature to enact a new statute governing the industry’s water and energy use as well as deployment of non-disclosure agreements. If Illinois is a harbinger of things to come in blue states, we’ll see more action like this.